A objetivação do controle concreto de constitucionalidade nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal

The independence of the United States and the revolutions that emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century led to the birth of the written constitution, with a mission to limit the power of the State and to ensure fundamental rights to citizens. Thus, the Constitution has become the norm and ultimate founding of the State. Because of this superiority felt the need to protect her, emerging from that constitutional jurisdiction, taking control of constitutionality of provisions his main instrument. In Brazil, the constitutionality control began with the Constitution of 1891, when "imported" the American model, which is named after incidental diffuse model of judicial review. Indeed, allowed that any judge or court could declare the unconstitutionality of the law or normative act in a concrete case. However, the Brazilian Constituent did not bring the U.S. Institute of stare decisis, by which the precedents of higher courts eventually link the below. Because of this lack, each tribunal Brazilian freely decide about the constitutionality of a rule, so that the decision took effect only between the parties to the dispute. This prompted the emergence of conflicting decisions between judicantes organs, which ultimately undermine legal certainty and the image of the judiciary. As a solution to the problem, was incorporated from the 1934 Constitution to rule that the Senate would suspend the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. With the introduction of abstract control of constitutionality, since 1965, the Supreme Court went on to also have the power to declare the invalidity of the provision unconstitutional, effectively against all without the need for the participation of the Senate. However, it remained the view that in case the Supreme Court declared the unconstitutionality of the fuzzy control law by the Senate would continue with the competence to suspend the law unconstitutional, thus the decision of the Praetorium Exalted restricted parties. The 1988 Constitution strengthened the abstract control expanding legitimized the Declaratory Action of Unconstitutionality and creating new mechanisms of abstract control. Adding to this, the Constitutional Amendment. No. 45/2004 brought the requirement of general repercussion and created the Office of Binding Precedent, both to be applied by the Supreme Court judgments in individual cases, thus causing an approximation between the control abstract and concrete constitutional. Saw themselves so that the Supreme Court, to be the guardian of the Constitution, its action should be directed to the trial of issues of public interest. In this new reality, it becomes more necessary the participation of the Senate to the law declared unconstitutional in fuzzy control by the Supreme Court can reach everyone, because such an interpretation has become obsolete. So, to adapt it to this reality, such a rule must be read in the sense that the Senate give publicity to the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, since mutated constitutional

Os crimes de mídia no paradigma democrático constitucional

The criminal responsibility of the media is analyzed when the criteria for production of news and events involving public safety are produced without considering the technical, legal and ethical practice of journalism in the media factors. Freedom of speech, expression of thought, necessary for professional qualifications and constitutional limits, reaching criminal constitutional principles and the possibilities of criminal liability for offenses practiced in the media are present as key factors legal dialogue in this work. The judgment of the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of Law nº. 5.250/67 called Media Law caused a gap in the national legal system, forcing the use of the criminal code to address issues that involve crimes produced in media professional performance. The presumption of innocence is ignored by the professional media during a police investigation where the information published does not respect, including constitutional guarantees: the right to privacy, honor and image. The right to information and the duty to inform media are worked in its constitutional aspect, considering that the same information should be produced is guided by the quality and guiding principles of truth. The constitutional concept of media is presented as information with the appropriate language of the news media, produced and disseminated through the vehicles of mass media, whether in print or digital platform. The presented model of the legal right to information is outlined from a constitutional hermeneutics, increasing the production of news as a result of the occupation of journalist in different news platforms, guaranteeing the quality of this prolific law. Under the Freedom of professional activity of the journalist, the constitutional limits are addressed in line with the reality of (non) regulation of their profession, considering the constitutional abuses committed in the exercise of that activity linked to communication fences. Jusphilosophic field reaches the limits of the duty of truth in journalism as a tool for spreading news, respect the audience and compatibility with the constitutional state. Using the conceptual and doctrinal aspects, this criminal offense is parsed from the journalistic practice and the publication of news involving public safety, with the hypothetical field consummation of that crime through the eventual intention. As a form of judgment against these crimes produced in honor media presents the court of the jury as a legitimate form of democratic decision

Valorização do magistério da educação básica no RN: participação do SINTE e do governo estadual na implementação do piso salarial profissional nacional na rede pública estadual no ano de 2009

This paper analyzes the policy of upgrading the teaching profession in relation to financing basic education, with a view to participation of the Union of Education Workers of Rio Grande do Norte - SINTE / RN and the state government in the implementation of Professional Base Salary the National Professional Teaching Public Basic Education - Law 11738/2008, the public state of Rio Grande do Norte. The participation of civil society, through the union movement presents itself as an important process of implementation of Professional Base Salary. The participation of SINTE / RN occurred since the fight to pass the plan, careers and Compensation (2006) until the implementation of the Base Salary (2009) highlighting the power relations established between the Union and State Government. To this end, there were actions such as public hearings and strikes by education professionals. In order to raise issues relevant to the issue of enhancement of teaching and participation of unions as a collective representation has been taken as a theoretical and methodological literature on the financing of basic education, enhancing teaching and participation as well as policy guidelines governing the career of teaching. Was used as a methodological procedure to document analysis and information gathering through semi-structured interviews. The results indicate the participation and the power relationship between the trade union movement and the state government in the implementation of the Base Salary. However, the current issues concerning the limitations of recovery of the teaching profession in order to implement the policy floor, not only merit of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, but the decisions that have been taken by the Supreme Court (STF) relating to the unconstitutionality of Action (ADI) filed by five governors. This fact greatly reduced the possibility of recovery of the teaching of the state, considering that the government was limited to decisions of the Supreme Court. Therefore, the enhancement of teaching remains a challenge for the union movement

O Estado e a aplicação de atos legistativos contrários ao princípio da reserva da lei penal

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

A judicialização da política no Supremo Tribunal Federal: análise de julgamentos relacionados à reforma do Estado nos anos 90

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A liberdade de imprensa vista pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal: análise da ADPF n. 130

The present study aims to present and analyze the ruling of the Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 130 (Concentrated constitutional review action, Fundamental Precept Infringement, Argüição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental), proposed by Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT), which contests the compatibility of statute 5.250/67 with the Federal Constitution of 1988. This work considers that the judicial ruling is different than the approach taken by the Legislative and Executive powers, arguing that there is, in the Judiciary, a peculiar way for ruling, surrounded by mysteries, rites, secrets, pomp and circunstances unintelligible to layman. To reach the proposed goal, Justice Carlos Brito´s report and opinion on ADPF 130 are analyzed. The choice of giving special attention to this opinion, which favors the declaration of unconstitutionality of the 5.250/67 statute, is justified in that it represents agreement with the allegation of disrespect to the constitutional text, as suggested by the Partido Democrático Trabalhista. The arguments put forth by the presiding Justice on his ruling will also be the object of consideration, as well as some possible consequences of the ruling.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

A interpretação conforme a constituição na doutrina brasileira: uma análise das relações entre conceitos e os limites à utilização da técnica

O objeto desta pesquisa são as relações entre os conceitos de interpretação conforme a Constituição e os limites à utilização, segundo a doutrina brasileira. O propósito é verificar se e como os diferentes conceitos de interpretação conforme a Constituição empregados pelos autores influenciam seus argumentos em torno dos limites à utilização desse instrumento. Parte-se de um referencial teórico de análise conceitual, ancorado sobretudo nos trabalhos de Brian Bix e Andrew Halpin, para estruturar-se a identificação e a análise dos diferentes conceitos presentes na literatura. Opta-se pela apresentação das ideias dos autores mais influentes na doutrina nacional, selecionados a partir de um critério de número de citações e especialidade da obra. Ao final, conclui-se que: (a) os autores utilizam ao menos nove conceitos diferentes: (i) como interpretação orientada pela Constituição, (ii) integração conforme a Constituição, critério normativo (iii) com e (iv) sem declaração de inconstitucionalidade, (v) interpretação extensiva ou restritiva de acordo com a Constituição, (vi) declaração de inconstitucionalidade da interpretação em concreto, (vii) um tipo de decisão com estrutura específica e (viii) um tipo de dispositivo decisório específico; (ix) um argumento retórico; (b) que os autores geralmente mencionam os mesmos limites, independentemente do conceito que adotam; (c) que, no entanto, os limites não se adequam da mesma forma a todos os conceitos empregados. Sustenta-se que o esclarecimento dessas relações é capaz de aumentar a compreensão sobre o tema, inclusive para os fins de análise da jurisprudência.

No. 12 Copy of Statement of Committee of Cambridge, [1799]

One folio-sized leaf containing a handwritten copy of a transcribed extract from the Charter of 1650 regarding property tax exemption, and followed with accounting figures related to rents and valuations of College properties. The verso has a handwritten paragraph on the unconstitutionality of the taxation practices towards the College.

The new deal on cartwheels,

"How every social, economic and political result sought by President Franklin D. Roosevelt may be attained without ... unconstitutionality ... dictatorship, or the threat of communistic subversion of the individual in the state."--Pref.

Criminalização do porte de drogas para consumo pessoal: uma perspectiva jurídico-constitucional

This dissertation has the main objective to assess the legal and constitutional legitimacy of the legislative state act that criminalizes the conduct of carrying drugs for own consumption - in the case of Brazil, art. 28 of the Federal Law n.º 11.343 of August 23rd, 2006. Therefore, it is done, initially, a contextualization, pointing the main regulatory frameworks, internal and external, of what is conventionally called prohibition in the matter of drugs, as well as the different species of liberalizing initiatives today on an upward trend in the international scenario. Then analyzes the state intervention in question in the light of references of human dignity, freedom and privacy, emphasizing, in the point, among other contributions, the various precedents of foreign constitutional jurisdiction over the theme. Immediately thereafter, confronts the policy in screen with what is perhaps, these days, the main control mechanism of the restrictive measures of fundamental rights, namely the proportionality test, here represented by classical elements of appropriateness, necessity and proportionality in the strict sense. After that, it examines the criminalization on the agenda before the parameter of equality and the general interests of health and public safety. Based on theory and empirical enrolled in the development, it is concluded, finally, the unconstitutionality of the option of the ordinary legislature to impose criminal penalties on users - problematic or not - of substances or products capable of causing physical or psychological dependence.

Vínculo empregatício: interpretação judicial do direito fundamental à relação de emprego protegida e seus efeitos

The Federal Constitution, in Article 1, sections III and IV, lifted the work as the foundation of the Federative Republic of Brazil, including work as a social guarantee in Article 6, listing in its Article 7 minimal guarantees role with respect to social rights of workers. Although elevated to constitutional rights, these social rights of workers have in the judicial interpretation of the characteristic elements of the employment relationship, sometimes a mismatch with the legal and constitutional order, when, in deciding not ponder such elements, causing damage economic and social benefits to all workers, thus affecting the very constitutional basis of worker protection, there is therefore situations in which there must be part of unavailability of rights by the employee. Therefore, identifying the characteristic elements of employment, means allow immediate legal finding about possible illegality perpetrated by the employer, precisely because the sentence recognizes be merely declaratory noting, therefore, the elements that make up the juridical system normative in order to establish the characterization of employment in step with the effective observance and guarantee of social rights and therefore the employer's performance limiter as pertains to hiring and employee dismissal. This point is it's main element of this work, which is fundamental for the exegesis of the theme to limit the autonomy of the will. There is no denying, therefore, the need to extend the effects of these guarantees in the employment contract. In this context, therefore, jumping the guarantees of employees, embodied in particular in the Consolidation of Labor Laws, and especially in the Federal Constitution and international protection instruments to ensure the fundamental right to secure employment relationship, where technological advancement, social and economic, reflect directly, such as the parassubordinação, and claiming more and more systematic resolutions, especially when evidence gaps' values, which elevate the debate about the need for increased use of precedents of order to support the judgments, often beset with aspects of unconstitutionality, all in compliance with the integration of standards, seeking legal enforcement of this bond and providing legal certainty, there emerged, so the essence of the theme: discuss to what extent the distortion of employment limits the effectiveness of social rights and what its legal effects, since the constitutional standard for social guarantees protects equally worker admission.

O direito fundamental à igualdade no contexto da identidade sexual no Brasil: um estudo da situação jurídico-constitucional com ênfase no exame da suposta inconstitucionalidade por omissão do legislador civil

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian Supreme Court’s judgement in the Non-compliance Action of the Fundamental Precept 132/RJ and in the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality 4277/DF, which created in the country the same-sex civil union. In This decision, the STF interpreted according to the constitution Article 1.723 of the Civil Code, invoking several fundamentals reaffirmed in the Constitution. From all these laws invoked by the Supreme Court to support the pretorian creation, the content of consitutional Law regarding equality is the only that corresponds, and it is sufficient to evidence the necessity of the creation, by legislator, of the institute for civil rights, since the Constitution forbids distinctions that is not expressly provided for in the Constitution (Art. 3º, IV, of Federal Constitution). In this way, Article 226, § 3º is not an exception capable of satisfying the condition of the consitutional foresight because although it protect, according its content only the civil union “between the man and the woman”, it is not able to forbid the creation, by legislator, of another kinds of families, including the same-sex civil union. As such, the reasoning, now legitimate according to the legislator, is not support the creation of institute by Constitutional Court, because the Court may enforce the Law, interpreting in the purviews allowed by the legal text and its constitutionality. In regard to the civil union of individuos of the same sex, the Court could not deduce that such union was implied by Law, like the interpretation according to the Constitution given by judges, on grounds of semantic purviews of the words man and woman, existents in both articles. The Court could not created it either, exceeding the legal system role. So, upon the institute creation, the STF, exceeded two limits: the interpretation and Law enforcement.

Os limites do poder regulamentar do Conselho Nacional de Justiça no contexto do Estado constitucional brasileiro

The creation of the National Council of Justice (CNJ) through the Constitutional Amendment nº 45/2004, derived from countless gaps in Brazilian law, mainly relating to procedural delays, ineffectiveness of judicial decisions, and the lack of mechanisms that enable, effectively, disciplinary accountability of judges. The council is constitutionally designed as a member of the Judiciary, which has administrative nature and laid assignments in art. 103-B, § 4 of the current Constitution, among which is to edit regulations to instrument its performance. However, since it came into force, the amendment raised extensive discussions, linked in particular to the constitutionality of the CNJ, which was made through the direct action of unconstitutionality nº 3367, against the alleged violation of the principles of separation of powers and federative form, as well as the limits of its regulatory powers, as has fanned out in ADI nº 3823/ DF, this one dealing on Resolution nº 07, which regulates the seal of nepotism practice in the judiciary. However, despite the Supreme Court has already pronounced on the matter, recognizing the constitutionality of the council, as well as the resolution already said, the debate is in a state of latency, and may erupt again with each new manifestation of regulatory CNJ, given the lack of agreement between doctrine and jurisprudence around the constitutional treatment of its regulatory powers. In this context undeniably reflection on the definition of the regulatory power of the CNJ, presents itself as extremely relevant, and current, in particular in the ambience of the Constitutional Rule of Law, where he strives for legal certainty and consolidation of regulatory institutions. So that it could reach a satisfactory result, skilled at resolving the problems raised, the present study analyzed the reasons that gave rise to the creation of the CNJ, demonstrating their indispensability, but also sought to characterize the status of their administrative and constitutional body, noting finally, the compatibility of its regulatory activities to constitutional principles. From this perspective, we adopted the deductive method and carried out research and bibliographic nature documentary.

O direito penal do inimigo na atualidade: Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty – MLAT, em matéria penal, celebrado entre a República Federativa do Brasil e os Estados Unidos da América bem como seus reflexos na jurisdição brasileira

In view of the climate of instability and deep social inequalities, it has been evident in the Brazilian reality, a new way to punish systematic already developed and consolidated in other countries, in which, among other things, the criminality is anticipated only by danger that the individual sports. It appears, therefore, that the theory developed by Günter Jakobs, nominated Criminal Law of the Enemy, became subtly inserted in the Brazilian reality as well as in international relations signed. In this sense, the Brazilian State, in order to carry out the international legal cooperation in the criminal field, signed a mutual assistance agreement with the government of the United States of America. Forward the conclusion of Mutual legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), the signatory countries voiced a desire to cooperate in order to facilitate the implementation of tasks of the authorities responsible for law enforcement in both countries, comprising research, investigation, prosecution and prevention of crime, said internalized adjustment in the Brazilian legal system by means of Decree No. 3810 of 02 May 2001. Alongside these considerations, the present study aims to analyze the Criminal law of the Enemy today, seeking to find evidence of that theory in the MLAT, international legal cooperation instrument signed between the government of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the government of the United States of America. Moreover, it has the objective to describe its effects on the Brazilian jurisdiction, especially as concerns the relativity and the suppression of human rights. Once done the introit, analysis will be carried out in the first chapter, on the definition and main features of the theory of Criminal Enemy of the law, it is imperative to approach the humanistic aspect that preceded the theory as well as the dealings given to some controversial issues surrounding it, such as the anticipation of the enemy's punishment and the disproportionality of the penalties imposed. In the second chapter will present the conceptual assumptions, historical evolution and the positives aspects, as well as the barriers and the pursuit of effectiveness of international legal cooperation. In the chapter, bedroom effective analysis of specific modality of cooperation will be held, the Mutual legal Assistance Treaty - MLAT in criminal matters, signed between the Federative Republic of Brazil and the United States of America, in which the general aspects will be addressed and the MLAT reflections on the Brazilian jurisdiction, which includes analysis about the relativity or suppression of human rights, future trends and creating stricter laws, followed by the presentation of the seized conclusion on the subject, in which, among other approaches, will be voiced understanding about the unconstitutionality certain service requests that, from these, there is the bad use of the agreed instrument.