963 resultados para National states


Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

La búsqueda de una comunidad socio-lingüístico-cultural articuló, hasta avanzado el siglo veinte, las propuestas de organización simbólica de los Estados nacionales y de otras unidades de la región. En esta búsqueda, se puede bosquejar una tradición crítica que entrama distintas posiciones e intervenciones en torno de los usos literarios de la lengua americana a la vez que sostiene su ponderación como matriz articuladora de la diversidad étnica, social y cultural. En este artículo se leen, en algunos textos críticos producidos en el área (hispano)americana entre 1880 y 1920, los usos de la lengua literaria en relación con algunos de los numerosos debates registrados en torno de las opciones político-lingüísticas de la época.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Introduction:Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27).    What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here.    Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia.    This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building.    In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Com as transformações ocorridas nas últimas décadas do século XX, notadamente a expansão financeira pela qual passou o capitalismo, o enfraquecimento fiscal dos Estados nacionais e o questionamento aos sistemas de previdência pública por repartição, ganham importância em todo o mundo os fundos de pensão. Estes fundos, ao lado de outros investidores institucionais, como seguradoras e fundos de investimentos, passam a cumprir papel central no mercado acionário e também no mercado de títulos públicos e privados. Com o objetivo de realizar lucros para pagar benefícios de aposentadoria para os seus participantes, os fundos de pensão arrecadam e concentram poupança privada pulverizada, transformando-a em um ativo poderoso. No Brasil, as Entidades Fechadas de Previdência Complementar nomenclatura jurídica dos fundos de pensão possuem um total de 702 bilhões de reais em ativos, que se concentram nas três maiores entidades do país: Previ, Petros e Funcef. Em comum, estes três fundos têm o fato de serem patrocinados por empresas estatais, o que, pela legislação vigente, dá ao Poder Executivo a competência de indicar metade de seus dirigentes, incluindo o seu presidente que possui voto de desempate. O presente trabalho pesquisou o papel que estas três EFPCs cumprem enquanto instrumento de atuação do Estado no domínio econômico, especialmente para o provimento de fundos para o desenvolvimento. Para isso, primeiramente, o estudo explora o movimento de expansão financeira do capitalismo e a crise no padrão de desenvolvimento brasileiro. Depois, investiga de maneira sistemática o arcabouço jurídico que regula os fundos de pensão; e, por fim, analisa a alocação dos seus investimentos e o perfil dos seus dirigentes.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This research aimed to analyze the main government efforts to promote economic development in the Northeast, from 1985 to 2010, under the view that growth is crucial for increasing industrialization process and allows for more significant growth patterns. The analysis was the context in which state governments react to the abandonment of developmental line the federal level, in the 1980s, incorporating features of the actions called endogenous regional development and providing local players with greater responsibility in the development process. Justifies the need to analyze the following scenario: state governments in northeastern Brazil using relevant part of its resources to finance the installation and expansion of companies through tax incentives, with a view to generating income and employment, whilst waiting for an increase in output and a positive change in economic dynamism. In addition, it puts in question the fact that these policies receive such importance of state administrations for the purpose of achieving regional development. It was left to consider, therefore, the contents of the shares elected by state governments to examine the scope of these policies both in the pattern of growth, the transformation of the industrial sector and the development of the region attention to changes in state production structures. Due to limitations on the availability of data and time to carry out research, we were elected three states for the study: Rio Grande do Norte, Ceará and Maranhão. The study found that, despite the contribution of policies analyzed to economic growth, sub-national states are unable to compensate for the lack of development agencies structured at the federal level.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The provocation and point of this paper is that universities of the North during the era of neoliberalism of have been sucked of their human life-giving capacities. What remains are closed doors and bare walls. Lest we give the impression of a hopelessly romantic view of the university (and embark upon a lament for some paradise lost), let us be clear from the outset: there is no such place – and there never has been. As will be outlined below, a consideration of the history of the university reveals it was born and has persistently drawn its life breath from oxygen formed in the tension ridden mix of an impulse to human freedom and accommodation to powers of church, state and capital. But, we contend, history is now the witness to the almost complete dissolution of that tension: to the exhaustion of emancipatory impulses in the service of indoctrination, regulation and accumulation. In the church-state-capital triad, it is the latter that has emerged hegemonic. Importantly, we argue, its dominance has emerged with the rise of what Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy describe as monopoly capital: the move from competitive (small entrepreneurial business) forms to monopolistic (large corporate business) regimes of accumulation (Baran & Sweezy 1966). A central feature of monopoly capitalism is its need for significant financial support of national states and the harnessing of public resources such as universities to feed accumulation. It is no surprise that neoliberalism, despite its neoclassical economic pronouncements, is a ‘big state’ advocate (Harvey 2005). Our argument is that neoliberalism, as the political workhorse of monopoly capitalism, has overseen a makeover of universities so they might behave like a monopoly capitalist corporation. Our time is the time of the near global domination of capital. The university has succumbed. In its colonisation – its capitalisation – the university has not only reinvented itself as a willing ally of capital but has also set about remaking itself in its image.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2015.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

La automedicación no responsable se ha convertido en un problema de salud pública global en las últimas décadas, por sus consecuencias individuales (por ejemplo, la intoxicación) y colectivas (por ejemplo, la resistencia microbiana a los antibióticos). Las intervenciones orientadas a este comportamiento han sido aisladas y muy diferentes. Aunque se tiene evidencia de que su aplicación puede traer beneficios en diferentes poblaciones, no se halló en la literatura una compilación sistemática de dichas intervenciones. El objetivo de la presente revisión es sistematizar la literatura científica sobre las diferentes alternativas de intervención del comportamiento individual de automedicación no responsable. En cuanto al método, la revisión de literatura involucró la búsqueda sistemática de “automedicación” e “intervención” en las bases de datos académicas internacionales con contenidos de psicología, suscritas por la Biblioteca de la Universidad del Rosario. Como resultado se encontró que las intervenciones orientadas al comportamiento de automedicación no responsable se pueden clasificar en dos grandes grupos: (a) intervenciones regulatorias, con dirección “arriba hacia abajo”, que suponen una acción de los Estados nacionales por medio de sus legislaciones o de entidades internacionales (por ejemplo, Organización Mundial de la Salud); y (b) intervenciones educativas, con dirección “abajo hacia arriba”, que suponen acciones con individuos y comunidades con el fin de enseñar acerca del uso adecuado de los medicamentos. Se concluye acerca de la necesidad de complementar ambos tipos de intervención, los cuales, si bien demuestran resultados positivos, aisladamente son insuficientes para contrarrestar integralmente este fenómeno creciente y complejo.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

O presente ensaio tem por objetivo a construção de uma linha de pensamento sobre as teorias e a realidade das Relações Internacionais baseada na pluralidade de valores e na justaposição de ideias que designam e afetam as relações entre os atores internacionais, assim como, entender os reflexos que estes fatores têm nos desfechos destas interações resultantes em cooperação e conflito. Por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica são visitados alguns pensamentos sobre a formação dos estados nacionais e sobre as interações destes, produzindo conceitos relativos à ordem e ao equilíbrio em uma sociedade internacional, e aos fatores que afetam e são variáveis a existência dos estados. A designação teórica da realidade internacional desprovida de prescrições ou distorções ideológicas edifica neste ensaio valiosas linhas de pensamento, que podem contribuir significativamente para o desenvolvimento de proposições mais fidedignas a realidade do que a anseios específicos no campo das Ciências Políticas e das Relações Internacionais. ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to construct of a way of thinking about the theories and the reality of International Relations based on the plurality of values and juxtaposition of ideas that mark and affect the relationships between international players. A further objective is understanding the influences of these factors in creating outcomes of cooperation or conflict within international interactions. Various thoughts and reflections on the formation of national states and their interactions have been examined by way of an intensive literature review, thus producing concepts concerning the order and equilibrium of an international society as well as the factors that affect and vary depending on the existence of states. Through the theoretical portrayal of the reality of international relations devoid of ideological prescriptions or distortions this study creates a number of lines of thinking, that could significantly contribute to the development of propositions more true to reality than specific aspirations within the field of Political Science and International Relations.

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.1 (1890-1895)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.2 (1891-1894)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.3 (1892-1896)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.4 (1893)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.5 (1897-1901)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.6 (1901)

Relevância:

40.00% 40.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

v.7 (1900-1902)