888 resultados para Criminal procedure
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§ Parte I A: DIREITO PENAL: CAPÍTULO I – CONCEITO DE DIREITO PENAL, COM ESPECIAL RELEVO DA DIFERENCIAÇÃO ENTRE DIREITO PENAL CLÁSSICO, DIREITO PENAL ECONÓMICO E SOCIAL E DIREITO DAS CONTRA-ORDENAÇÕES; CAPÍTULO II – O PROBLEMA DOS FINS DAS PENAS; CAPÍTULO III – BREVE ABORDAGEM DA EVOLUÇÃO HISTÓRICA DO DIREITO PENAL; CAPÍTULO IV – TEORIA GERAL DA LEI CRIMINAL; CAPÍTULO V – TEORIA GERAL DA INFRACÇÃO CRIMINAL: A) ELEMENTOS; B) CONSTRUÇÕES; C) ANÁLISE: 1) ACÇÃO; 2) TIPICIDADE; 3) ILICITUDE; 4) CULPA; 5) PUNIBILIDADE; CAPÍTULO VI – FORMAS DO CRIME:A) TENTATIVA; B) AUTORIA E COMPARTICIPAÇÃO; C) CONCURSO DE CRIMES § Parte I BDIREITO PROCESSUAL PENAL; CAPÍTULO I – A DELIMITAÇÃO DO DIREITO PROCESSUAL PENAL; CAPÍTULO II – OS PRINCÍPIOS FUNDAMENTAIS DO PROCESSO PENAL; CAPÍTULO III - A LEI PROCESSUAL PENAL E A SUA APLICAÇÃO; Parte II: CAPÍTULO I- OS SUJEITOS DO PROCESSO; CAPÍTULO II - O OBJECTO DO PROCESSO; CAPÍTULO III - AS MEDIDAS DE COACÇÃO E DE GARANTIA PATRIMONIAL; CAPÍTULO IV - TRAMITAÇÃO PROCESSUAL PENAL. § § Part I: CRIMINAL LAW: CHAPTER I - CONCEPT OF CRIMINAL LAW, WITH SPECIAL RELIEF OF THE DIFFERENTIATION BETWEEN CLASSIC CRIMINAL LAW, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CRIMINAL LAW AND THE “AGAINST ORDINANCES” LAW ("LAW OFFENSES"); CHAPTER II - THE PROBLEM OF THE ENDS OF THE PENALTIES; CHAPTER III - BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE EVOLUTION HISTORY OF CRIMINAL LAW; CHAPTER IV - GENERAL THEORY OF THE CRIMINAL LAW; CHAPTER V - GENERAL THEORY OF THE CRIMINAL INFRACTION: A) ELEMENTS; B) CONSTRUCTIONS; C) ANALYSIS: 1) ACTION; 2) VAGUENESS DOCTRINE; 3) ILLEGALITY; 4) GUILT (FAULT); 5) PUNISHMENT; CHAPTER VI - FORMS OF THE CRIME: A) ATTEMPT; B) AUTHORSHIP AND "CO-PARTICIPATION"; C) CUMULATION OF OFFENCES. § Part I - B: CRIMINAL PROCEDURAL LAW: CHAPTER I - THE DELIMITATION OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURAL LAW; CHAPTER II - THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE; CHAPTER III - THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE LAW AND ITS APPLICATION; Part II: CHAPTER I - THE FIGURES OF THE PROCESS; CHAPTER II - THE OBJECT OF THE PROCESS; CHAPTER III - THE MEASURES OF COERCION AND PATRIMONIAL GUARANTEE (WARRANTY); CHAPTER IV - CRIMINAL PROCEDURE.
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§ Parte I A: DIREITO PENAL: CAPÍTULO I – CONCEITO DE DIREITO PENAL, COM ESPECIAL RELEVO DA DIFERENCIAÇÃO ENTRE DIREITO PENAL CLÁSSICO, DIREITO PENAL ECONÓMICO E SOCIAL E DIREITO DAS CONTRA-ORDENAÇÕES; CAPÍTULO II – O PROBLEMA DOS FINS DAS PENAS; CAPÍTULO III – BREVE ABORDAGEM DA EVOLUÇÃO HISTÓRICA DO DIREITO PENAL; CAPÍTULO IV – TEORIA GERAL DA LEI CRIMINAL; CAPÍTULO V – TEORIA GERAL DA INFRACÇÃO CRIMINAL: A) ELEMENTOS; B) CONSTRUÇÕES; C) ANÁLISE: 1) ACÇÃO; 2) TIPICIDADE; 3) ILICITUDE; 4) CULPA; 5) PUNIBILIDADE; CAPÍTULO VI – FORMAS DO CRIME: A) TENTATIVA; B) AUTORIA E COMPARTICIPAÇÃO; C) CONCURSO DE CRIMES § Parte I B: DIREITO PROCESSUAL PENAL; CAPÍTULO I – A DELIMITAÇÃO DO DIREITO PROCESSUAL PENAL; CAPÍTULO II – OS PRINCÍPIOS FUNDAMENTAIS DO PROCESSO PENAL; CAPÍTULO III - A LEI PROCESSUAL PENAL E A SUA APLICAÇÃO; Parte II: CAPÍTULO I - OS SUJEITOS DO PROCESSO; CAPÍTULO II - O OBJECTO DO PROCESSO; CAPÍTULO III - AS MEDIDAS DE COACÇÃO E DE GARANTIA PATRIMONIAL; CAPÍTULO IV - TRAMITAÇÃO PROCESSUAL PENAL. § § Part I: CRIMINAL LAW: CHAPTER I - CONCEPT OF CRIMINAL LAW, WITH SPECIAL RELIEF OF THE DIFFERENTIATION BETWEEN CLASSIC CRIMINAL LAW, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CRIMINAL LAW AND THE “AGAINST ORDINANCES” LAW ("LAW OFFENSES"); CHAPTER II - THE PROBLEM OF THE ENDS OF THE PENALTIES; CHAPTER III - BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE EVOLUTION HISTORY OF CRIMINAL LAW; CHAPTER IV - GENERAL THEORY OF THE CRIMINAL LAW; CHAPTER V - GENERAL THEORY OF THE CRIMINAL INFRACTION: A) ELEMENTS; B) CONSTRUCTIONS; C) ANALYSIS: 1) ACTION; 2) VAGUENESS DOCTRINE; 3) ILLEGALITY; 4) GUILT (FAULT); 5) PUNISHMENT; CHAPTER VI - FORMS OF THE CRIME: A) ATTEMPT; B) AUTHORSHIP AND "CO-PARTICIPATION"; C) CUMULATION OF OFFENCES. § Part I - B: CRIMINAL PROCEDURAL LAW: CHAPTER I - THE DELIMITATION OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURAL LAW; CHAPTER II - THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE; CHAPTER III - THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE LAW AND ITS APPLICATION; Part II: CHAPTER I - THE FIGURES OF THE PROCESS; CHAPTER II - THE OBJECT OF THE PROCESS; CHAPTER III - THE MEASURES OF COERCION AND PATRIMONIAL GUARANTEE (WARRANTY); CHAPTER IV -CRIMINAL PROCEDURE.
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O decretar da prisão preventiva, mal fundamentada, leva a dizermos que estamos perante uma violação constitucional dos princípios da proporcionalidade, adequação, necessidade e da intervenção mínima em Direito penal. São violados os art.s 18º e 28º da Constituição, os art.s 193º e art.s 202º e ss. do Código de Processo Penal. É violado o art. 40º do Código Penal, quanto às finalidades do próprio Direito Penal, como a ressocialização ou restauração num ordenamento jurídico como o português, onde a pena máxima é apenas de 25 anos mais os descontos do Código de Execução de Penas! § Abstract: The decree of preventive detention, ill-founded, leads to say that this is a constitutional violation of the principles of proportionality, appropriateness, necessity and minimum intervention in criminal law. The art.s 18 and 28 of the Constitution are violated, the art.s 193 and art.s 202 ff. the Criminal Procedure Code. It violated art. 40 of the Penal Code, for the purposes of own criminal law, such as rehabilitation or restoration in a legal system like the Portuguese, where the maximum penalty is only 25 years plus discounts of Implementing Sentencing Code!
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Lições de Direito e Processo Penal, Solicitadoria, 3º Ano, Escola Superior de Gestão do Instituto Politécnico do Cávado e do Ave, Ano Lectivo de 2014/2015 § Lessons of Law and Criminal Procedure, Solicitors, 3rd Year, School of Management of the Polytechnic Institute of Cávado and Ave, Academic Year 2014/2015
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Recordings and photographs obtained by private individuals can be two of the most relevant evidences in helping finding the truth; however, they can also conflict with fundamental rights such as privacy, spoken word or image of the targets. It is not enough that only the violation of the right to privacy is withdrawn because rights to spoken word or image, unattached from the first one, show up independently as the main violated rights and are criminally protected in article 199º of the criminal code. Its use as evidence is, on a first moment, dependent on the private's conduct lawfulness, as it is stated in article 167º of the criminal procedure code. In order to consider its lawfulness, and accept its use as evidence, portuguese higher courts have been defending constructions mostly based on legal causes of defense. Although agreeing with a more flexible position of weighing all the interests at stake instead of denying its use as evidence, we believe notwithstanding that some of these solutions are misleading and shall not be spared from critics. Lastly, even if we reach a positive conclusion about the lawfulness of obtaining and using recordings and photogtaphs carried out to court by private individuals, they must not be however automatically admitted as evidence, still being necessary to proceed to a separate weighting, within the criminal procedure and its own legal rules, about their real purposes in the case.
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The present work aims to develop the theme "The summary procedure and the reform of 2013". The purpose of its analysis serves the interest to understand the virtues and disadvantages of the changes introduced by Act n.º 20/2013 to our Code of Criminal Procedure, and the main focus of the present reflection is to further the impact of the measures taken by the legislator to the summary proceedings. The opening of the most serious crimes to summary procedure is a reform measure duly highlighted because it is a true innovation in the Portuguese penal system. Therefore, it urges to analyse not only the consequences of this measure, as well as if the objectives of its introduction in the summary procedure system are met. It should be noted that the legislator intends to promote speedy trial, and at the same time, ensure compliance with the Constitutional rights associated to the accused. At this point it is important to realize if there is a restriction of the accused essential guarantees. On the other hand, it should be noted that the typical characteristics of summary proceedings might have been invariably modified, due to the innovative aspect of the reform. That said, the changes might have fostered a mischaracterization of the typical format of the summary procedure, both in terms of the nature of the proceedings and in terms of its space and objectives within the penal system. Reflecting on the above will provide a deeper understanding of the volatile balance between the Portuguese governing prosecution efficiency and the Constitution, as well as the future of the criminal policy in Portugal.
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This study analyses the principle of presumption of innocence in the preliminary stages of the Portuguese criminal process, its procedural aspect related with the principle of in dubio pro reo and its material aspect concerning the treatment of the defendant during the proceedings. The consequences and manifestations of the principle of presumption of innocence are analysed in the decisions of the closing stages of the preliminary criminal procedure and the application of the principle of in dubio pro reo is analysed in the judgement of sufficiency of evidence for the procedure to continue. It addresses the question of circumstantial evidence, its particular relevance in economic and financial crime, highly organized crime, the grounds for the indictment in general and when the sufficiency of evidence criteria is based on that evidence. It analyses the scope of the principle of presumption of innocence in the application of coercive measures, with reference to the arrest, first interrogation of the accused under detention and reasons for the subsequent dispatch about the measures. The asset assurance measures of preventive seizure and the preventive seizure to ensure confiscation are analysed and principle of presumption of innocence is considered non applicable to those measures.
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The global and increasingly technological society requires the States to adopt security measures that can maintain the balance between the freedom, on the one hand, and the security and the respect for fundamental rights of a democratic state, on the other. A State can only achieve this aim if it has an effective judicial system and in particular a criminal procedure adequate to the new criminogenic realities. In this context, the national legislator has adopted, following other international legal systems, special means of obtaining proof more stringent of rights. Within those special means are included the covert actions, that, being a means to use sparingly, is a key element to fight against violent and highly organized crime. Therefore, the undercover agent, voluntary by nature, develops a set of activities that enables the investigation to use other means of taking evidence and/or probationary diligences itself, with the purpose of providing sufficient proof to the case file. In this milieu, given the high risks involved during the investigation, as well as after its completion, the undercover agent can act upon fictitious identity. This measure can be maintained during the evidentiary phase of the trial. Similarly, given the latent threat that the undercover agent suffers by its inclusion in criminal organizations, as well as the need for his inclusion in future covert actions it is crucial that his participation as a witness in the trial is properly shielded. Thus, when the undercover agent provides, exceptionally, statements in the trial, he shall do so always through videoconference with voice and image distortion. This measure can guarantee the anonymity of the undercover agent and concomitantly, that the adversarial principle and the right of the accused to a fair trial is not prejudiced since, in those circumstances, the diligence will be supervised in its entirety (in the audience and with the undercover agent) by a judge.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Judiciário (Direitos Processuais e Organização Judiciária)
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Judiciário (Direitos Processuais e Organização Judiciária)
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Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Kaakkois-Suomen rajavartioston näkökulmasta rajavartiolaitoksen esitutkintaan liittyviä toimivaltuuksia sekä esitutkinnan ja ulkomaalaislain mukaisten toimenpiteiden vaikutuksia rikosprosessiin. Lisäksi selvitetään uuden hallituksen esityksen vaikutuksia rajavartiointia koskevan lainsäädännön muuttamisesta. Tutkielma täydentää aikaisempia tutkimuksia tuomalla esiin systemaattiseen tarkasteluun koko rikosprosessin vaiheet nykyisen esitutkinnan aloittamisesta aina ulkomaalain mukaisiin hallinnollisiin toimenpiteisiin saakka. Luonteeltaan tutkielma on rikosoikeustieteellinen. Tutkielmassa käytetty tutkimusmenetelmä on lainoppi. Tutkielmaa varten haastateltiin yhteistyöviranomaisten edustajia Kaakkois-Suomen rajavartioston koko rikosprosessin toimittamiseen liittyen. Työn tuloksissa esitetään keskeiset esitutkintatoimintaan ja rikosprosessiin vaikuttavat tekijät, tutkintaan liittyvät eri-tyispiirteet ja yhteistyöviranomaisten näkemys Kaakkois-Suomen rajavartioston tutkintatoiminnasta.
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Per diferents motius, l'acció de la justícia es troba permanentment d'actualitat. Una de les causes és la contínua novetat que prové de les propostes de modernització en els diversos àmbits, que tracten de pal·liar els dèficits amb els quals s'enfronta cada dia l'acció judicial. El debat és ja antic i permanent, sent que, simultàniament un ventall de projectes ha aparegut amb la intenció de dur a terme un canvi profund i determinant en la visió de l'estructura del Poder Judicial i dels serveis associats. En particular, la proposta de reforma de Llei Orgànica del Poder Judicial i de Demarcació i Planta, suposa la concentració de tots els jutjats a les capitals de província, amb el risc d'allunyament enfront dels ciutadans i problemes associats. L'esborrany de Codi Processal Penal aposta per un nou sistema de recerca a càrrec del Ministeri Fiscal, amb curts terminis taxats per a la finalització del procediment, promoció de la mediació i augment de les possibilitats de no continuació de la causa, a més una concentració i simplificació de totes les fases del procediment penal. D'altra banda, el Registre Civil ha estat retirat dels jutjats però, malgrat el transcurs del temps, no s'és capaç d'identificar a quin col·lectiu li correspondrà aquesta funció, amb la conseqüent generació d'una important inquietud social. Aquestes i altres novetats seran analitzades en profunditat, amb especial perspectiva des de l'àmbit de Catalunya, tractant d'aportar solucions i propostes de millora.
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This dissertation examines parental disciplinary violence against children in authority records and in the criminal procedure in Finland. The main aim is to analyze disciplinary violence, how it is defined, and how it is constructed as a crime by social workers, the police, and parents. This dissertation consists of four sub-studies and a summary article. In the first sub-study, I examine how disciplinary violence appears in child welfare documents and analyze the decision-making processes and measures taken by the child welfare workers. The second sub-study, utilizing police interview data, examines police officers’ perceptions of disciplinary violence, its criminalization, and its investigation. In addition to this analysis of police officers’ own perceptions, in the third sub-study, I use reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents to look at what a typical suspicion of disciplinary violence coming to the attention of the police is and examine the decision-making processes of the police. Utilizing authority data, the fourth sub-study analyzes how parents rationalize the use of disciplinary violence to the authorities investigating these suspicions. The research provides findings that are unprecedented in Finland. Firstly, it was shown that social workers’ decision-making processes in suspicions of disciplinary violence follow three pathways of reasoning, with many factors taken into consideration; and in less than one-third of the cases, a request for criminal investigation has been made to the police. Secondly, it was verified that police officers hold different perceptions of disciplinary violence, and these perceptions have multiple effects on the investigation of these cases and the construction of disciplinary violence as a crime. Thirdly, the analysis of the reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents showed that almost two-thirds of the cases of disciplinary violence had been sent to a prosecutor by the police and, thus, defined as a crime. However, in many cases, acts of disciplinary violence were often seen as ‘educational, petty one-off incidents’ and a possible trial and punishment for the perpetrator were seen as unreasonable. Fourthly, it was found that parents often try to neutralize and rationalize the violence they have used against their children, for example, either by denying the victim, the criminal intent, or the entire act, or relying on the necessity of the forbidden act. The dissertation concludes that disciplinary violence is defined and constructed in authority policies and practices, first and foremost, by the severity of the act, the nature of the act as continuous or singular, the perceived harm caused by the act to a child, and the perceptions of authorities regarding physical punishment of children. The asymmetrical power setting present in disciplinary violence and parents’ legitimized right to raise and discipline their children partly seem to explain why criminal-law processing of these suspicions of violence and understanding these as crimes is difficult. Finally, this research calls for more coherent and consistent authority practices and policies, achieved by educating authorities and increasing awareness on disciplinary violence, questions the need for a concept like ‘disciplinary’ violence, and suggests more emphasis on unambiguous perceptions of a child’s best interest.
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La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation.