Religious Political Parties and the Limits of Political Liberalism

Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to provide a broader and more inclusive understanding of ‘reasonable’ political contestation, able to accommodate those parties (including religious ones) that political liberalism, as customarily understood, would exclude from the democratic realm. More specifically, I first embrace Muirhead and Rosenblum’s (Perspectives on Politics 4: 99–108 2006) idea that parties are ‘bilingual’ links between state and civil society and I draw its normative implications for party politics. Subsequently, I assess whether Rawls’s political liberalism is sufficiently inclusive to allow the presence of parties conveying religious and other comprehensive values. Due to Rawls’s thick conceptions of reasonableness and public reason, I argue, political liberalism risks seriously limiting the number and kinds of comprehensive values which may be channelled by political parties into the public political realm, and this may render it particularly inhospitable to religious political parties. Nevertheless, I claim, Rawls’s theory does offer some scope for reinterpreting the concepts of reasonableness and public reason in a thinner and less restrictive sense and this may render it more inclusive towards religious partisanship.

Political Liberalism, Free Speech and Public Reason

In this paper, I critically assess John Rawls' repeated claim that the duty of civility is only a moral duty and should not be enforced by law. In the first part of the paper, I examine and reject the view that Rawls' position may be due to the practical difficulties that the legal enforcement of the duty of civility might entail. I thus claim that Rawls' position must be driven by deeper normative reasons grounded in a conception of free speech. In the second part of the paper, I therefore examine various arguments for free speech and critically assess whether they are consistent with Rawls' political liberalism. I first focus on the arguments from truth and self-fulfilment. Both arguments, I argue, rely on comprehensive doctrines and therefore cannot provide a freestanding political justification for free speech. Freedom of speech, I claim, can be justified instead on the basis of Rawls' political conception of the person and of the two moral powers. However, Rawls' wide view of public reason already allows scope for the kind of free speech necessary for the exercise of the two moral powers and therefore cannot explain Rawls' opposition to the legal enforcement of the duty of civility. Such opposition, I claim, can only be explained on the basis of a defence of unconstrained freedom of speech grounded in the ideas of democracy and political legitimacy. Yet, I conclude, while public reason and the duty of civility are essential to political liberalism, unconstrained freedom of speech is not. Rawls and political liberals could therefore renounce unconstrained freedom of speech, and endorse the legal enforcement of the duty of civility, while remaining faithful to political liberalism.

Mouzinho da Silveira and the Political Culture of Portuguese Liberalism, 1820–1832

Liberalism as an identity and as a political ideology was non-existent in Portugal, as in most of the countries of Ibero-America, before the beginning of the nineteenth century. But the semantic development of the term ‘liberal’ in Portuguese underwent a clear and rapid mutation in the following decades. It became associated with specific meanings in relation to constitutional issues and civil law matters. While the former prevailed between 1820 and 1823, the latter were dominant in the writings of Mouzinho da Silveira and his Civil War legislation of 1832 to 1834.

L. T. hobhouse’s new liberalism and the reformulation of ideology

Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Estudos Ingleses), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

Growing globally: Is it reasonable for Logoplaste to enter the Colombian rigid plastic packaging market?

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Recommendations for Nova School of Business and Economics to target yhe Colombian market

The growing connotation Internationalization has worldwide, alongside the economic, political and socio-environmental changes, is empowering a progressively global education economy. Therefore, this Work Project aims to help Nova SBE to understand the decision making process of the Colombian tertiary education students, as this market constitutes an enriching opportunity to meet both business and educative objectives. In order to do so, a qualitative research was conducted to comprehend the rationale behind Colombian students to study abroad. The study points out that the reputation of a HE institution and the Portuguese culture are the key attributes to pursue a degree in Portugal.

Indigenous knowledges and power in friction with human rights and development discourses : the case of the Witoto Ethnic Safeguarding Plan in the Colombian Amazon

Cette thèse analyse les négociations interculturelles des Gens du Centre (groupe amazonien multi-ethnique) avec les discours universels de droits humains et de développement mobilisés par l’État colombien. L’analyse se concentre sur le Plan de sauvegarde ethnique Witoto chapitre Leticia (ESP), qui est un des 73 plans formulés et implémentés par l’État colombien pour reconnaître les droits des peuples autochtones en danger par le déplacement forcé causé par les conflits armés internes. J’analyse l’ESP à travers la notion de friction (Tsing, 2005) qui fait référence aux caractéristiques complexes, inégalitaires et changeantes des rencontres contemporaines entre les différences des savoirs locaux et globaux. Mon analyse se base aussi sur des approches foucaldiennes et/ou subalternes de pouvoir comme la recherche anticoloniale et de la décolonisation, les perspectives critiques et contre-hégémoniques des droits humains, le post-développement, et les critiques du féminisme au développement. L’objectif de la thèse est d’analyser les savoirs (concepts de loi, de justice et de développement); les logiques de pensée (pratiques, épistémologies, rôles et espaces pour partager et produire des savoirs); et les relations de pouvoir (formes de leadership, associations, réseaux, et formes d’empowerment et disempowerment) produits et recréés par les Gens du Centre au sein des frictions avec les discours de droits humains et du développement. La thèse introduit comment la région habitée par les Gens du Centre (le Milieu Amazone transfrontalier) a été historiquement connectée aux relations inégalitaires de pouvoir qui influencent les luttes actuelles de ce groupe autochtone pour la reconnaissance de leurs droits à travers l’ESP. L’analyse se base à la fois sur une recherche documentaire et sur deux terrains ethnographiques, réalisés selon une perspective critique et autoréflexive. Ma réflexion méthodologique explore comment la position des chercheurs sur le terrain influence le savoir ethnographique et peut contribuer à la création des relations interculturelles inclusives, flexibles et connectées aux besoins des groupes locaux. La section analytique se concentre sur comment le pouvoir circule simultanément à travers des échelles nationale, régionale et locale dans l’ESP. J’y analyse comment ces formes de pouvoir produisent des sujets individuels et collectifs et s’articulent à des savoirs globaux ou locaux pour donner lieu à de nouvelles formes d’exclusion ou d’émancipation des autochtones déplacés. Les résultats de la recherche suggèrent que les Gens du Centre approchent le discours des droits humains à travers leurs savoirs autochtones sur la « loi de l’origine ». Cette loi établit leur différence culturelle comme étant à la base du processus de reconnaissance de leurs droits comme peuple déplacé. D’ailleurs, les Gens du Centre approprient les discours et les projets de développement à travers la notion d’abondance qui, comprise comme une habileté collective qui connecte la spiritualité, les valeurs culturelles, et les rôles de genre, contribue à assurer l’existence physique et culturelle des groupes autochtones. Ma thèse soutient que, même si ces savoirs et logiques de pensée autochtones sont liés à des inégalités et à formes de pouvoir local, ils peuvent contribuer à des pratiques de droits humains et de développement plurielles, égalitaires et inclusives.

Small and Closed vs. Large and Open: Some Lessons from Comparing Cuban to Colombian Agricultural Development

Comparing the experiences of selected Latin America and the Caribbean countries and their trajectories over the past 15 years offers rich insights into the dynamics and causes for not meeting the 2015 MDGs. They also offer clues for post-MDG strategies. Central to achieving sustainable growth are government policies able to support small and medium-sized farms and peasants, as they are crucial for the achievement of several goals, centrally: to achieve food security; to provide a sound and stable rural environment able to resist external (financial) shocks; to secure healthy food; to secure local food; and to protect vibrant and culturally rich local communities. This paper analyses and compares the most successful government policies to the least successful policies carried out over the last 15 years in selected Latin American and Caribbean countries and based on this analysis, offers strategies for more promising post-MDG politics, able to reduce poverty, reduce inequality, fight back informality, and achieve more decent work in poor countries.

Foreign perception of sovereign risk : an event study of the colombian armed conflict

Este paper estudia la relación entre algunos de los eventos más importantes del conflicto colombiano con la percepción extranjera de riesgo soberano, medido por los Credit Default Swaps (CDS) de los bonos del Gobierno Colombiano. Usando dos metodologías relativamente recientes, yo estimo el efecto causal de los eventos de conflicto ampliamente cubierto por los medios internacionales. En primer lugar construyo un grupo de control sintético que funciona como contra factual de la serie real de los CDS colombianos pero en ausencia de eventos de conflicto. Segundo, estimo el efecto acumulado del evento bajo la metodología de retornos anormales acumulados. Los resultados sugieren que los efectos de los eventos de conflicto sobre la percepción extranjera de riesgo soberano dependen de las especificaciones de cada evento.

How ikea should enter in the colombian market

IKEA es una de las empresas más grandes en el mundo que produce y comercializa productos para el hogar, sin embargo, todavía no tiene una filial en Colombia. Por esta razón, este trabajo de investigación se dedicará a evaluar no solo los factores generales que influenciarán la apertura de una tienda IKEA en Colombia, sino también los factores internos.

The effect of Ponzi schemes on crime: Evidence from the colombian case

This paper estimates the impact of a massive negative income shock led by the simultaneous crash down of several Ponzi schemes (also known as financial ``pyramids"") in Colombia on crime rates at the municipal level. Using novel data on the spatial incidence of the latest wave of Colombian pyramids and their crash down date, I estimate difference-in-differences models with both monthly and yearly frequency. I find that the negative income shock of the pyramids" crash down differentially exacerbates crime in affected municipalities compared to those with no presence of Ponzi schemes. This is true for minor offenses like commercial theft or residential burglary, but not for major crimes as murder or terrorism.

La influencia de León Duguit en la reforma social de 1936 en Colombia: El sistema jurídico, la función social de la propiedad y la teoría de los servicios públicos

El documento muestra la sólida influencia de la corriente doctrinal del profesor francés León Duguit (1859 – 1928), en la reforma constitucional colombiana de 1936, desde tres perspectivas: El sistema jurídico, la función social de la propiedad y los servicios públicos. Para el primer tercio del siglo XX, en Colombia, al igual que sucedía en Norteamérica y los países europeos que encauzaban nuestra tradición jurídica, las tesis individualistas sobre el modelo de Estado y el derecho, habían envejecido, y se planteaban nuevas interpretaciones del sistema jurídico imperante y del papel del Estado en la sociedad, en Colombia, el francés, León Duguit secundaría de manera decisiva, aunque no exclusiva, tal proceso.

SANMIGUEL Supreme Colombian Coffee

Este proyecto de emprendimiento llamado SANMIGUEL SUPREME COLOMBIAN COFFEE, surgió como iniciativa por parte del emprendedor Leonardo Sanmiguel Benavides; quien ha vivido durante toda su vida rodeado del sector caficultor, convirtiéndose en una de las razones por las cuales deseo incursionar en la creación de una empresa cien por ciento huilense, la cual exportará café especial diferenciado en producto terminado de media libra, libra y kilo que tendrá como mercado inicial y principal tres ciudades de los Estados Unidos, que son; Miami, Houston y Atlanta. En el proyecto de emprendimiento se muestra, como un producto de altísima calidad (café) asegurando su trazabilidad puede generar valor y ser más atractivo para el consumidor final; pero no es suficiente el emprendedor comprendió que se debe crear una relación cliente - empresa, no solo con la venta, sino antes, durante y después de la venta; permitiendo la creación de un vínculo de fidelidad entre las partes, también conocido como "Marketing Profesional”. De igual forma el éxito de la empresa debe ser también productor, por esta razón SANMIGUEL implementará una política de comercio justo, en la cual se recompensará la calidad al caficultor, permitiéndole mejorar su calidad de vida; SANMIGUEL reconoce lo valioso de crear constantemente valor a sus productos, es por esto que se compromete a mantener el pilar de la innovación como columna vertebral de la misma. SANMIGUEL una empresa comprometida con el caficultor, con el departamento del Huila y con Colombia, brindando el mejor café del mundo.