Sukupolvien ongelma : Tutkielmia sukupolven käsitteestä, sukupolvitietoisuudesta ja suurista ikäluokista

The aims of the thesis are (1) to present a systematic evaluation of generation and its relevance as a sociological concept, (2) to reflect on how generational consciousness, i.e. generation as an object of collective identification that has social significance, can emerge and take shape, (3) to analyze empirically the generational experiences and consciousness of one specific generation, namely Finnish baby boomers (b. 1945 1950). The thesis contributes to the discussion on the social (as distinct from its genealogical) meaning of the concept of generation, launched by Karl Mannheim s classic Das Problem der Generationen (1928), in which the central idea is that a certain group of people is bonded together by a shared experience and that this bonding can result in a distinct self-consciousness. The thesis is comprised of six original articles and an extensive summarizing chapter. In the empirical articles, the baby boomers are studied on the basis of nationally representative survey data (N = 2628) and narrative life-story interviews (N = 38). In the article that discusses the connection of generations and social movements, the analysis is based on the member survey of Attac Finland (N = 1096). Three main themes were clarified in the thesis. (1) In the social sense the concept of generation is a modern, problematic, and ultimately a political concept. It served the interests of the intellectuals who developed the concept in the early 20th century and provided them, as an alternative to the concept of social class, a new way of think about social change and progress. The concept of generation is always coupled with the concept of Zeitgeist or some other controversial way of defining what is essential, i.e. what creates generations, in a given culture. Thus generation is, as a product of definition and classification struggles, a contested concept. The concept also clearly implies elitist connotations; the idea of some kind of vanguard (the elite) that represents an entire generation by proclaiming itself as its spokesman automatically creates a counterpart, namely the others in the peer group who are thought to be represented (the masses). (2) Generational consciousness cannot emerge as a result of any kind of automatic process or endogenously; it must be made. There has to be somebody who represents the generation in order for that generation to exist in people s minds and as an object of identification; generational experiences and their meanings must be articulated. Hence, social generations are, in a fundamental manner, discursively constructed. The articulations of generational experiences (speeches, writings, manifests, labels etc.) can be called as the discursive dimension of social generations, and through this notion, how public discourse shapes people s generational consciousness can be seen. Another important element in the process is collective memory, as generational consciousness often takes form only retrospectively. (3) Finnish baby boomers are not a united or homogeneous generation but are divided into many smaller sections with specific generational experiences and consciousnesses. The content of the generational consciousness of the baby boomers is heavily politically charged. A salient dividing line inside the age group is formed by individual attitudes towards so-called 1960s radicalism. Identification with the 1960s generation functions today as a positive self-definition of a certain small leftist elite group, and the values and characteristics usually connected with the idea of the 1960s generation do not represent the whole age group. On the contrary, among some of the members of the baby boomers, the generational identification is still directed by the experience of how traditional values were disgraced in the 1960s. As objects of identification, the neutral term baby boomers and the charged 1960s generation are totally different things, and therefore they should not be used as synonyms. Although the significance of the group of the 1960s generation is often overestimated, they are however special with respect to generational consciousness because they have presented themselves as the voice of the entire generation. Their generational interpretations have spread through the media with the help of certain iconic images of the generation insomuch that 1960s radicalism has become an indirect generational experience for other parts of the baby boom cohort as well.

"Elämää yhdellä siivellä lentäen" : Suomessa asuvien Chilen pakolaisten ja heidän jälkeläistensä historiatietoisuus

The starting point of this study was to find out how the historical consciousness manifest in conceptions and experiences of Chilean refugees and their descendants. The previous research of historical consciousness has shown that powerful experiences such as the revolution and being a refugee may have an effect on historical consciousness. The purpose of this study is to solve how those experiences in the past have influenced Chilean refugees and their descendant s interpretations of the present and expectations for the future. The research material was collected by interviewing four Chilean refugees that escaped to Finland in years 1973 1976 and four young adults who represent the second generation. All second generation interviewees were born in Finland and their other parent or both parents were Chilean refugees. The two groups were not in a family relation to each other. The empirical part of the research was made by qualitative methods. The research material was collected by the method of focused interview and it was analysed by the qualitative data analysis software Atlas.ti 6.0. Content analysis was the main research tool. The previous theory of historical consciousness and the study questions was used to create the seven categories that manifest historical consciousness. The seven categories were biographical memory, collective memory, experiences of living between two cultures, idea of man, the essence of history and the reason for living, value conceptions and expectations of the future. Content analysis was based on those categories. Subcategories were based on the research material and were created during the analysis. The results of this study were made up of categories. The study revealed that experiences of revolution and of being a refugee has a significant role in the historical consciousness of the Chilean refugees. It became evident in their biographical memory being separated in three parts, in their values and in the belief of possibility of an individual to govern her own life. The second generation was also exposed to their parent s experiences in the past. The collective trauma in their parent s past has been part of their life indirectly and has affected the way they think of themselves, their concepts and their place in the present world. The active and regular retrospection in Finland by Chilean adults and special Gabriela Mistral club activities has played a big part in the construction of their historical consciousness.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Kiista, eheys, unohdus : Vapaussodan muistaminen suojeluskunnan ja veteraaniliikkeen toiminnassa 1918-1944

Conflict, Unity, Oblivion: Commemoration of the Liberation War by the Civic Guard and the Veterans´ Union in 1918-1944 The Finnish Civil War ended in May 1918 as a victory for the white side. The war was named by the winners as the Liberation War and its legacy became a central theme for public commemorations during the interwar period. At the same time the experiences of the defeated were hindered from becoming a part of the official history of Finland. The commemoration of the war was related not only to the war experience but also to a national mission, which was seen fulfilled with the independence of Finland. Although the idea of the commemoration was to form a unifying non-political scene for the nation, the remembrance of the Liberation War rather continued than sought to reconcile to the conflict of 1918. The outbreak of the war between the Soviet Union and Finland in 1939 immediately affected the memory culture. The new myth of the Miracle of the Winter War, which referred to the unity shown by the people, required a marginalization of controversial memory of the Liberation War. This study examines from the concepts of public memory and narrative templates how the problematic experience of a civil war developed to a popular public commemoration. Instead of dealing with the manipulative and elite-centered grandiose commemoration projects, the study focuses on the more modest local level and emphasizes the significance of local memory agents and narrative templates of collective memory. The main subjects in the study are the Civil Guard and the Veterans´ Union. Essential for the widespread movement was the development of the Civic Guard from a wartime organization to a peacetime popular movement. The guards, who identified themselves trough the memories and the threats of civil war, formed a huge network of memory agents in every corner of the country. They effectively linked both local memory with official memory and the civic society with the state level. Only with the emergence of the right wing veteran movement in the 30ies did the tensions grow between the two levels of public memory. The study shows the diversity of the commemoration movement of the Liberation War. It was not only a result of a nation-state project and political propaganda, but also a way for local communities to identify and strengthen themselves in a time of political upheaval and uncertainty.

Hacia el encuentro de mi anthropos: la muerte, dinamo estructural de la vida

559 p. - Sobresaliente cum laudem por unanimidad. La presidenta del tribunal hace la petición al departamento, en el acto de calificación de la defensa, de publicación de esta tesis por considerarla de interés científico.

Legitimaciones sociales de las políticas patrimoniales y museísticas

Cap. 1. Proyectos patrimoniales y museísticos en las sociedades democráticas y capitalistas: entre la legitimación formal y la vinculación social. Iñaki Arrieta Urtizberea. Cap. 2. Musées et patrimoine immatériel au Québec : enjeux politiques et sociaux. Laurier Turgeon. Cap. 3. “El patrimonio pertenece a todos”. De la universalidad a la identidad, ¿cuál es el lugar de la participación social? Victoria Quintero Morón. Cap. 4. La legitimación social y política de los museos: dos casos del estado de Oaxaca, México. Teresa Morales Lersch y Cuauhtémoc Camarena Ocampo. Cap. 5. Reinterpretaciones de la misión social de los museos: políticas de la cultura en la red de museos de Loures, Portugal. Marta Anico. Cap. 6. La comunicación de los museos y sus relaciones con las políticas culturales de las ciudades. Entre la repetición de estrategias y la innovación. Daniel Paül i Agustí. Cap. 7. El Patrimonio de la Guerra Civil como útil de concienciación social al amparo de la Ley de la Memoria Histórica. Óscar Navajas Corral y Julián González Fraile. Cap. 8. Política y planificación museística, y participación social en Cataluña: un breve recorrido histórico y algunas reflexiones. Daniel Solé i Lladós. Cap. 9. Diagnóstico de las acciones de los museos catalanes como parte de las políticas de integración. Fabien Van Geert. Cap. 10. Los inexistentes alcornocaleños y las experiencias museísticas etnográficas en el Parque Natural Los Alcornocales. Agustín Coca Pérez.

Museos, memoria y turismo

Cap. 1. Museos y patrimonio: de la distancia retórica a la interlocución democrática. Iñaki Díaz Balerdi. Cap. 2. Au coeur des conflits entre memoire, histoire et developpement economique, les nouveaux enjeux des musees de société aujourd’hui. François Hubert. Cap. 3. Elites, Instituciones Públicas, identidad cultural y turismo en los orígenes del Museo Municipal de Donostia-San Sebastián. Iñaki Arrieta Urtizberea. Cap. 4. Los orígenes de la museografía etnográfica en Cataluña: el Arxiu-Museu Folklòric de Ripoll. Oriol Beltran Costa. Cap. 5. Museo de la Pesca en Palamós: espacio para la memoria de los pescadores. Miquel Martí i Llambrich. Cap. 6. Arqueología y museos en Gipuzkoa; las experiencias del Centro de Estudios ARKEOLAN (1986-2005). Mª Mercedes Urteaga Artigas. Cap. 7. Penser un Musée des Confluences: un autre discours sur soi et les autres que soi. Thierry Valentin. Cap. 8. Turismo cultural y museos: oportunidades de desarrollo comunes. El caso de Cesis, Letonia. María Fernández Sabau. Cap. 9. La gestión y el uso turístico de los museos: la experiencia de Barcelona. Jordi Juan Tresserras y Juan Carlos Matamala. Cap. 10. Museos, turismo y desarrollo local en el norte de Portugal: el Ecomuseo del Barroso. Xerardo Pereiro. Cap. 11. Turismo y patrimonio cultural en las pequeñas y medianas ciudades: el Barri Vell de Girona y el Museu d’Art de Girona. Josep Manuel Rueda Torres.

Entre duas rodas e uma tela:a sociabilidade na rede social Tornadeiros

A partir do entendimento das novas possibilidades sociais permitidas pela Internet, este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar a sociabilidade em redes sociais virtuais a partir do desenvolvimento do capital social entre os membros integrantes destas redes. Buscamos compreender as motivações que possibilitam que as relações sociais sejam construídas e mantidas no e a partir do espaço virtual determinando os fatores que tornam tais relações materializadas no espaço offline. Para tal, realizamos um estudo de caso de uma rede social constituída por motociclistas, o site Tornadeiros. Logramos apreender, o contexto de interação entre os membros desta rede e de que modo o fortalecimento do capital social é propulsor do deslocamento das relações no ambiente virtual para o espaço urbano, determinando a sedimentação de vínculos afetivos entre os indivíduos, inicialmente previstos como banais e efêmeros, dado a lacuna espaço-temporal existente entre estes atores. Para explorar estas dimensões iniciamos o trabalho etnográfico no ciberespaço e posteriormente no espaço urbano. A etnografia no ciberespaço consistiu na aplicação de um questionário online para determinar o perfil dos membros da rede social e na compilação de todo conteúdo de postagens disponível na memória coletiva do site. Os dados compilados foram tratados posteriormente para determinar a topologia da rede de interações entre os membros. Deste material, selecionamos 17 discursos para estudo, articulando a análise dos discursos com as observações produzidas pelo grafo da rede de interações do site. Finalmente, no segundo momento etnográfico, nós confrontamos os resultados com as entrevistas presenciais, tornando possível perceber o estabelecimento e manutenção das relações sociais a partir do capital social desenvolvido nesta rede.

Nas águas da memória: o rio como metáfora em Dois irmãos e Órfãos do Eldorado, de Milton Hatoum

As narrativas Dois irmãos e Órfãos do Eldorado, de Milton Hatoum, estão cercadas pelo ambiente dos rios, espaço fluido, aquoso, profundo, que representa o limite entre a vida e a morte. O rio, cenário mítico, simbólico para o material ficcional das narrativas, metaforicamente também pode ser entendido como o lugar mais íntimo e profundo do ser, onde os personagens são levados a uma imersão, um voltar-se para si mesmo. Espaço de transcendência, permitida pelo mergulho na memória, que, assim como os rios, é dinâmica, instável, fluida. Temos nos livros de Hatoum narradores em primeira pessoa que se dedicam a recompor os fios dos tempos através de relatos, num processo solitário, por vias da memória. Eles fazem um mergulho no íntimo do homem e descobrem sua condição humana, frágil. Num trabalho de catarse e de autorreflexão, alimentado pela memória, eles se descobrem estranhos a si mesmos, uma vez que, ao reconstruir a própria história, o sujeito está calcado no momento presente. O eixo temporal da narração é, desse modo, presente-passado. Nesse sentido, há importância em compreendermos que a memorização exige estratégias. Os contos, os ritos, os mitos, as fábulas fazem parte desse conjunto de estratégias, que, através de imagens e símbolos, transmitem, de geração em geração, a realidade de um povo, em tempo e espaço diferentes. É verdade que os narradores de Dois irmãos e Órfãos do Eldorado contam histórias particulares, mas eles o fazem se valendo dos elementos de que a memória individual e coletiva dispõem, memórias estas permeadas pelo ambiente em que estão inseridos. Entendemos, portanto, que estudar a memória é estudar a cultura e a história vivida de cada sujeito e de seus grupos. Quando se entende que a memória de um indivíduo é também a de sua região e dos grupos de que faz parte, considera-se o processo memorialístico como uma construção coletiva. Isso significa que a memória individual é parte da memória coletiva. Desse modo, nos textos estudados, é pelo viés da memória que se entrelaçam espaços e tempos num lugar em que o rio se coloca entre os mundos narrados

In memoriam: imagens do sofrimento dos familiares de vítimas da violência no Rio de Janeiro

Esta tese trata da relação entre violência, sofrimento, fotografia e memória, a partir do noticiário de violência na cidade do Rio de Janeiro e da participação dos familiares de vítimas de casos noticiados em movimentos contra a violência. Para compreender esse universo, descrevo e analiso os discursos textuais, visuais e emocionais dos familiares de vítimas e, também, dos fotojornalistas. As notícias de violência, segundo Luc Boltanski, são uma forma de denúncia e de conversão dos casos individuais em causas coletivas. Essas são tomadas como um primeiro registro da violência que se transforma em um lugar de memória desses acontecimentos na cidade. A partir de notícias e histórias narradas pelos entrevistados foram construídos pequenos quadros de memória que contam o processo vivido pelos familiares após a violência. Esse processo iniciado por uma violência original se converte, ao longo do tempo, em lutas individuais e coletivas. O tempo torna-se um agente que trabalha nas relações, nas emoções e na memória. Ele transforma os sentidos da experiência violenta e constrói a identidade de familiar de vítima e as relações entre eles, moldando comunidades emocionais. Essas comunidades apóiam os familiares em seu restabelecimento emocional e social e na luta para conquistar o direito de justiça. Diante da morte violenta, essas lutas agenciam o surgimento de novas violências e a chegada de novos familiares de vítimas em meio às memórias individuais e coletivas.

"Heroes" and "Villains" of World History across Cultures

Emergent properties of global political culture were examined using data from the World History Survey (WHS) involving 6,902 university students in 37 countries evaluating 40 figures from world history. Multidimensional scaling and factor analysis techniques found only limited forms of universality in evaluations across Western, Catholic/Orthodox, Muslim, and Asian country clusters. The highest consensus across cultures involved scientific innovators, with Einstein having the most positive evaluation overall. Peaceful humanitarians like Mother Theresa and Gandhi followed. There was much less cross-cultural consistency in the evaluation of negative figures, led by Hitler, Osama bin Laden, and Saddam Hussein. After more traditional empirical methods (e.g., factor analysis) failed to identify meaningful cross-cultural patterns, Latent Profile Analysis (LPA) was used to identify four global representational profiles: Secular and Religious Idealists were overwhelmingly prevalent in Christian countries, and Political Realists were common in Muslim and Asian countries. We discuss possible consequences and interpretations of these different representational profiles.

A névoa do tempo: o pensamento utópico na trilogia crítico-religiosa de José Saramago

Na trilogia crítico-religiosa de José Saramago, constituída pelos romances Memorial do Convento, O Evangelho Segundo Jesus Cristo e Caim, torna-se possível perceber a presença recorrente do pensamento utópico, que, nas três obras em questão, não se revela como percepção idealística de uma realidade imutável, mas, tendo em vista a perspectiva filosófica de Ernst Bloch, revela-se como consciência aguda tanto do processo histórico quanto da práxis libertária. Na dinâmica constitutiva dessa consciência, pode-se delinear o encontro interativo dos tempos: um passado reconstituído criticamente pela ótica contemporânea, um presente permeado por intensa militância ideológica e, principalmente, a consciência de um futuro aberto como possibilidade concreta, o que viabiliza, naqueles romances, aspirações humanas por transformações radicais da ordem vigente. Esse encontro dos tempos, do ponto de vista estético-literário, substancializa-se na trilogia por intermédio essencialmente do recurso paródico: a revisitação crítica dos ícones e temas provenientes do universo judaico-cristão. Seja nas imagens desiderativas que retoma, seja no quadro conceitual que ironiza, seja, ainda, na constituição híbrida do romance, que esfacela o teor totalizante da narrativa tradicional, José Saramago parece extrair dos arquétipos religiosos uma intensidade subversiva que, na tessitura ficcional que elabora, atinge e questiona a construção metafísica erigida por séculos de judaísmo e cristianismo. Nos três romances do escritor lusitano, esse processo de releitura do passado aponta não somente para a impossibilidade, no contexto contemporâneo, de experiência com a cosmovisão totalizante da religião ocidental como também para a reconstituição existencial do mundo moderno, uma vez que, a partir de sonhos frustrados daquele passado, se tornaria possível materializar anseios utópicos latentes, represados na memória coletiva. Assim, o pensamento utópico, na trilogia saramaguiana, converte-se em névoa do tempo: no espaço múltiplo e complexo do romance, desnuda-se a dialética entre passado, presente e futuro, que, na sua dinamicidade constitutiva, abriga e gesta o novum, o ainda não

Wspólnota z przypadku. Studium tożsamości mieszkańców Naddniestrza

Wydział Historyczny

Redefining military memorials and commemoration and how they have changed since the 19th century with a focus on Anglo-American practice

This thesis is a study of military memorials and commemoration with a focus on Anglo-American practice. The main question is: How has history defined military memorials and commemoration and how have they changed since the 19th century. In an effort to resolve this, the work examines both historic and contemporary forms of memorials and commemoration and establishes that remembrance in sites of collective memory has been influenced by politics, conflicts and religion. Much has been written since the Great War about remembrance and memorialization; however, there is no common lexicon throughout the literature. In order to better explain and understand this complex subject, the work includes an up-to-date literature review and for the first time, terminologies are properly explained and defined. Particular attention is placed on recognizing important military legacies, being familiar with spiritual influences and identifying classic and new signs of remembrance. The thesis contends that commemoration is composed of three key principles – recognition, respect and reflection – that are intractably linked to the fabric of memorials. It also argues that it is time for the study of memorials to come of age and proposes Memorialogy as an interdisciplinary field of study of memorials and associated commemorative practices. Moreover, a more modern, adaptive, General Classification System is presented as a means of identifying and re-defining memorials according to certain groups, types and forms. Lastly, this thesis examines how peacekeeping and peace support operations are being memorialized and how the American tragic events of 11 September 2001 and the war in Afghanistan have forever changed the nature of memorials and commemoration within Canada and elsewhere. This work goes beyond what has been studied and written about over the last century and provides a deeper level of analysis and a fresh approach to understanding the field of Memorialogy.

Cross-cultural dimensions of meaning in the evaluation of events in world history? Perceptions of historical calamities and progress in cross-cultural data from 30 societies

The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one’s country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe.