955 resultados para Alfonso XIII, King of Spain, 1886-1941
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Failure to fulfil obligations - Freedom to provide services - Tourist guides - Professional qualification required by national rule - Discrimination - Museum admission
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The Premio Cervantes, one of the most prestigious prizes awarded for literature in the Spanish language, was established in 1976 as Spain negotiated the Transition to democracy in the post-Franco era. This article examines the context in which the prize was created and subsequently used to negotiate inter-continental relations between Spain and Latin America. The article highlights the exchanges of economic, political and symbolic capital which took place between the Spanish State, its representative, the King of Spain, and winning Latin American authors. Significantly, the involvement of the Spanish State is shown to bring political capital into play in a way that commercial prizes do not. In so doing, the Premio Cervantes gives those formerly at the colonial periphery the opportunity to speak out and negotiate the terms of a new kind of relationship with the former colonial center.
The Other Side of the Fence:Reconceptualizing the “Camp” and Migration Zones at the Borders of Spain
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This article explores the dynamics of the space of exception at the borders of Europe in the Spanish enclave of Melilla, and the neighboring Moroccan city of Oujda. Building upon field research conducted in the spring of 2008, I ask how we can understand the political space of migration not simply as exceptional, but as shaped by the mobility of the irregular migrants moving outside of the frameworks, policies, and practices of the state. By privileging the migrant narrative and making use of Rancière's conception of politics as shaped by the demands of those who “have no part,” I suggest an alternative way of understanding the politics of exception and agency of non-citizens—that is, one of disruption and demands to open up powerful potentials for change in an otherwise rigid regime.
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Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.
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On spine : The Grand Lodge of Canada in the Province of Ontario.
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License no. 2 of season 1886/87 made out to S.D. Woodruff for 36 square miles in berth no. 192, May 15, 1876.
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License no. 3 of season 1886/87 made out to S.D. Woodruff for 35 ¾ square miles in berth no. 198, May 15, 1876
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UANL
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Resumen tomado de la publicaci??n
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Presenta un perfil humanístico del rey Alfonso XIII a través del análisis de algunas de las actividades que llevó a cabo el Rey durante el periodo de la Primera Guerra Mundial. En primer lugar se analiza la creación de una obra humanística que partió de su preocupación por la búsqueda de un soldado desaparecido y continuó durante la Guerra Mundial en la que la secretaría del Rey se organizó para realizar una de las labores más benficiarias en favor de los desaparecidos y los prisioneros. Se analiza después su participación para ayudar al zar Nicolás II y su familia cuando estaban encarcelados en Rusia. Por último, muestra cómo en la Rusia bolchevique el mismo día de la ejecución de la familia imperial se publicó un artículo que elogiaba a Alfonso XIII. Todas estas actuaciones le proporcionaron una buena imagen internacional que se reflejó posteriormente en la acogida que recibió en Francia cuando abandonó España en 1931.
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En el contexto del sensible progreso que experimentó la educación especial en España en las primeras décadas del S. XX y siguiendo el ejemplo del Centro Instructivo y Protector de Ciegos de Madrid entre 1910-1918 fueron apareciendo sociedades similares en otras ciudades. En Málaga surgen el Centro de Instrucción y Protección de Ciegos 'La Nueva Aurora' y la 'Agrupación Artística de Ciegos'. Se analizan su organización estatutos y funciones.
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Relato de la entrevista secreta entre el rey Alfonso XIII y Alejandro Lerroux, en El Pardo el 12 de noviembre de 1918, referida por el propio Lerroux a Natalio Rivas, para que quedara constancia de la conversación. Se explican a raíz de esta conversación otros hechos posteriores en discursos públicos del republicano Lerroux, y la relación que éste mantenía con Alfonso XIII.
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The Ivory-billed Woodpecker has long held a special place in the psyche of North American conservation, eliciting unusually colorful prose, even from scientists, as an icon of the wild. The reverence in which it was held did little to slow the habitat loss that led to its apparent extinction 60 years ago. A consequence of the emotion and attention associated with the amazing rediscovery of this species is that conservation biologists will be under considerable pressure to make good on this “second chance.” This poses a challenge to conservation paradigms that has important political consequences. First, the decline of the species is due to habitat loss, recovery from which has been much more seldom achieved than recovery from declines due to impacts on vital rates. This challenge is exacerbated by the enormous area requirements of the species. Second, the species at best exists as a critically small population. It will be difficult to make the case that a viable population can be established without undermining the small population paradigm that underlies conservation strategies for many other species. This has already resulted in some political backlash. Conservation of this species is best based on the one point of clear scientific consensus, that habitat is limiting, but this may result in additional political backlash because of conflicts with other land uses.