912 resultados para Aesthetic Ideas


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In 1987 Landcorp was corporatised as a state-owned enterprise under New Zealand's public sector reforms and began operating as a collection of farms located throughout the country. Twenty years later, Landcorp had established a record of careful land management, productivity growth and solid financial returns, transforming from a fledgling company into one of the country's largest farmers. Landcorp was a major agribusiness with assets of more than $1.4 billion, built on a culture of continuous improvement and an innovative approach to business. The challenge going forward was to continue growth without increasing land ownership : cultivating ideas to grow in less conventional ways. This case study examines the operations, development and innovative approach to business undertaken by Landcorp Farming Limited, concentrating on the challenges faced by the company to maintain profits and growth, and its strategic direction for the future.

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This paper explores principles of contemporary aesthetics to suggest a basis for determining qualitative outcomes of artistic works in two contexts: the arts industry and the academy setting of practice-led research. Commonly articulated measures of quality—creativity and innovation—are questioned as mere rhetoric if not framed in specific ways in the two discrete settings. The paper also interrogates generally held assumptions that a longer time to develop work and greater periods of self-reflexivity will produce higher calibre artistic outcomes. The unease produced by apparent differences in qualitative outcomes between art works created in an industry setting and those created through practice-led research is analysed through three interconnected framing devices: intention, contextual parameters and criteria for evaluation, in conjunction with the relationships between the art work, the artist and the audience/viewer/listener. Common and differentiated criteria in the two contexts are explored, leading to the conclusion that innovation is more likely to be revealed in the end product in an industry context whereas in practice-led research it may be in the methodological processes of creating the work. While identifying and acknowledging that the two contexts encourage and produce distinctive qualitative artistic outcomes, both of value to the arts and the academy, the paper recommends ways in which closer formal liaison between industry artists and practice-led artists and supervisors might occur in order to ensure ongoing mutual influence and relevance.

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Many cities worldwide face the prospect of major transformation as the world moves towards a global information order. In this new era, urban economies are being radically altered by dynamic processes of economic and spatial restructuring. The result is the creation of ‘informational cities’ or its new and more popular name, ‘knowledge cities’. For the last two centuries, social production had been primarily understood and shaped by neo-classical economic thought that recognized only three factors of production: land, labor and capital. Knowledge, education, and intellectual capacity were secondary, if not incidental, factors. Human capital was assumed to be either embedded in labor or just one of numerous categories of capital. In the last decades, it has become apparent that knowledge is sufficiently important to deserve recognition as a fourth factor of production. Knowledge and information and the social and technological settings for their production and communication are now seen as keys to development and economic prosperity. The rise of knowledge-based opportunity has, in many cases, been accompanied by a concomitant decline in traditional industrial activity. The replacement of physical commodity production by more abstract forms of production (e.g. information, ideas, and knowledge) has, however paradoxically, reinforced the importance of central places and led to the formation of knowledge cities. Knowledge is produced, marketed and exchanged mainly in cities. Therefore, knowledge cities aim to assist decision-makers in making their cities compatible with the knowledge economy and thus able to compete with other cities. Knowledge cities enable their citizens to foster knowledge creation, knowledge exchange and innovation. They also encourage the continuous creation, sharing, evaluation, renewal and update of knowledge. To compete nationally and internationally, cities need knowledge infrastructures (e.g. universities, research and development institutes); a concentration of well-educated people; technological, mainly electronic, infrastructure; and connections to the global economy (e.g. international companies and finance institutions for trade and investment). Moreover, they must possess the people and things necessary for the production of knowledge and, as importantly, function as breeding grounds for talent and innovation. The economy of a knowledge city creates high value-added products using research, technology, and brainpower. Private and the public sectors value knowledge, spend money on its discovery and dissemination and, ultimately, harness it to create goods and services. Although many cities call themselves knowledge cities, currently, only a few cities around the world (e.g., Barcelona, Delft, Dublin, Montreal, Munich, and Stockholm) have earned that label. Many other cities aspire to the status of knowledge city through urban development programs that target knowledge-based urban development. Examples include Copenhagen, Dubai, Manchester, Melbourne, Monterrey, Singapore, and Shanghai. Knowledge-Based Urban Development To date, the development of most knowledge cities has proceeded organically as a dependent and derivative effect of global market forces. Urban and regional planning has responded slowly, and sometimes not at all, to the challenges and the opportunities of the knowledge city. That is changing, however. Knowledge-based urban development potentially brings both economic prosperity and a sustainable socio-spatial order. Its goal is to produce and circulate abstract work. The globalization of the world in the last decades of the twentieth century was a dialectical process. On one hand, as the tyranny of distance was eroded, economic networks of production and consumption were constituted at a global scale. At the same time, spatial proximity remained as important as ever, if not more so, for knowledge-based urban development. Mediated by information and communication technology, personal contact, and the medium of tacit knowledge, organizational and institutional interactions are still closely associated with spatial proximity. The clustering of knowledge production is essential for fostering innovation and wealth creation. The social benefits of knowledge-based urban development extend beyond aggregate economic growth. On the one hand is the possibility of a particularly resilient form of urban development secured in a network of connections anchored at local, national, and global coordinates. On the other hand, quality of place and life, defined by the level of public service (e.g. health and education) and by the conservation and development of the cultural, aesthetic and ecological values give cities their character and attract or repel the creative class of knowledge workers, is a prerequisite for successful knowledge-based urban development. The goal is a secure economy in a human setting: in short, smart growth or sustainable urban development.

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This interview with Paul Makeham was conducted in 2010 by Felipe Carneiro from Brazilian business magazine Exame. Structured around Exame's "seven questions" format ("Sete Perguntas"), the interview ranges across topics relating to the creative economy, including the increasingly important role of creativity in business, and the role of education in promoting creativity.

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Despite having a band of greenness around the edge, Australia is fundamentally a dry country. Australian vegetation has developed a high range of mechanisms to cope with the dryness, but after 200 years of white settlement, Australians still have not really come to terms with the real dryness of their country, and still exploit European paradigms that attempted to transplant European aesthetic conditions, greenness, to the brown land of Australia. Australia is going through serious water shortages that are still and will continue with the Greenhouse effect, to become a major factor in the location and extent of urbanisation, and also Australia's carrying capacity. While such aesthetic concerns might seem ornamental, until the population changes its attitude to the real condition of the country, it will keep using water and operating unsustainably. The design of the public landscape, however, offers the opportunity to contribute to changing people's aesthetic perception of the country, which might in turn help to redirect their water use practices. This essay develops a language for discussion dryness based around the experiences of water. After having developed this sensibility it then discusses a range of different approaches that landscape design in Australia has used to try to develop geographically appropriate design languages, including the Bush Garden and the Mediterranean Garden. It then discusses four design projects, one from the 1970's, the other three from the last five years that demonstrate what such an aesthetic might look like.

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The individual-opportunity nexus emphasizes that both the characteristics of individuals and venture ideas have roles in the entrepreneurial process (Shane & Venkataraman, 2000). Following upon this assertion the present study examined whether the venture idea novelty and investment of resources can make an important part in the venture creation process. Data analysed for a sample of nascent entrepreneurs in Australia suggests that the novelty of venture ideas restricts the performance of nascent ventures. However, the more investment of time and money do not show a significant impact to the venture performance.

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One of Cultural Studies' most important contributions to academic thinking about culture is the acceptance as axiomatic that we must not simply accept traditional value hierarchies in relation to cultural objects (see, for example, McGuigan, 1992: 157; Brunsdon, 1997: 5; Wark, 2001). Since Richard Hoggart and Raymond Williams took popular culture as a worthy object of study, Cultural Studies practitioners have accepted that the terms in which cultural debate had previously been conducted involved a category error. Opera is not 'better' than pop music, we believe in Cultural Studies - 'better for what?', we would ask. Similarly, Shakespeare is not 'better' than Mills and Boon, unless you can specify the purpose for which you want to use the texts. Shakespeare is indeed better than Mills and Boon for understanding seventeenth century ideas about social organisation; but Mills and Boon is unquestionably better than Shakespeare if you want slightly scandalous, but ultimately reassuring representations of sexual intercourse. The reason that we do not accept traditional hierarchies of cultural value is that we know that the culture that is commonly understood to be 'best' also happens to be that which is preferred by the most educated and most materially well-off people in any given culture (Bourdieu, 1984: 1- 2; Ross, 1989: 211). We can interpret this information in at least two ways. On the one hand, it can be read as proving that the poorer and less well-educated members of a society do indeed have tastes which are innately less worthwhile than those of the material and educational elite. On the other hand, this information can be interpreted as demonstrating that the cultural and material elite publicly represent their own tastes as being the only correct ones. In Cultural Studies, we tend to favour the latter interpretation. We reject the idea that cultural objects have innate value, in terms of beauty, truth, excellence, simply 'there' in the object. That is, we reject 'aesthetic' approaches to culture (Bourdieu, 1984: 6; 485; Hartley, 1994: 6)1. In this, Cultural Studies is similar to other postmodern institutions, where high and popular culture can be mixed in ways unfamiliar to modernist culture (Sim, 1992: 1; Jameson, 1998: 100). So far, so familiar.

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This article reviews some key critical writing about the commodification or exploitation of networked social relations in the creative industries. Through a comparative case study of networks in fashion and new media industries in the city of Manchester, UK, the article draws attention to the social, cultural and aesthetic aspects of the networks among creative practitioners. It argues that within the increasing commercialisation in the creative industries there are networked spaces within which non-instrumental values are created. The building of social networks reflects on the issue of how creatives perceive their work in these industries both economically and socially/culturally.

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Entertainment Industries is the first book to map entertainment as a cultural system. Including work from world-renowned analysts such as Henry Jenkins and Jonathan Gray, this innovative collection explains what entertainment is and how it works. Entertainment is audience-centred culture. The Entertainment Industries are a uniquely interdisciplinary collection of evolving businesses that openly monitor evolving cultural trends and work within them. The producers of entertainment – central to that practice– are the new artists. They understand audiences and combine creative, business and legal skills in order to produce cultural products that cater to them. Entertainment Industries describes the characteristics of entertainment, the systems that produce it, and the role of producers and audiences in its development, as well as explaining the importance of this area of study, and how it might be better integrated into Universities.

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This paper investigates how fashion circulates globally and is adapted and localised by consumers. The rise of fashion blogs, social networking, on-line retail and on-line streaming of fashion shows has exponentially increased the availability of fashion images globally, enabling a further multiplication of styles and looks. The geographical dispersion of production systems in third world countries, and the concentration of management and finance in first world countries are increasingly acknowledged as having an uneven social and economic effect. However, processes of hibridisation and creolisation give rise to new cultural forms where the local and the foreign are mixed in interesting ways. I argue that the current circulation of fashion must be understood as adaptation in which “outside aesthetic influence is integrated into and becomes part of an existing style tradition” (Lynch and Strauss, 2007, p. 154). This emergence of new local and eclectic styles denies assumptions in which consumers are disengaged while duped by a system of commodification. The paper argues that, through a process of “deterritorialisation”, “displacement” and “repatriation” (Appadurai 1996, p. 32), creative ordinary consumers are able to engage with fashion, reinventing it in the context of their local cultures.

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This project involved the complete refurbishment and extension of a 1980’s two-storey domestic brick building, previously used as a Boarding House (Class 3), into Middle School facilities (Class 9b) on a heritage listed site at Nudgee College secondary school, Brisbane. The building now accommodates 12 technologically advanced classrooms, computer lab and learning support rooms, tuckshop, art room, mini library/reading/stage area, dedicated work areas for science and large projects with access to water on both floors, staff facilities and an undercover play area suitable for assemblies and presentations. The project was based on a Reggio Emilia approach, in which the organisation of the physical environment is referred to as the child’s third teacher, creating opportunities for complex, varied, sustained and changing relationships between people and ideas. Classrooms open to a communal centre piazza and are integrated with the rest of the school and the school with the surrounding community. In order to achieve this linkage of the building with the overall masterplan of the site, a key strategy of the internal planning was to orientate teaching areas around a well defined active circulation space that breaks out of the building form to legibly define the new access points to the building and connect up to the pathway network of the campus. The width of the building allowed for classrooms and a generous corridor that has become ‘breakout’ teaching areas for art, IT, and small group activities. Large sliding glass walls allow teachers to maintain supervision of students across all areas and allow maximum light penetration through small domestic window openings into the deep and low-height spaces. The building was also designed with an effort to uphold cultural characteristics from the Edmund Rice Education Charter (2004). Coherent planning is accompanied by a quality fit-out, creating a vibrant and memorable environment in which to deliver the upper primary curriculum. Consistent with the Reggio Emilia approach, materials, expressive of the school’s colours, are used in a contemporary, adventurous manner to create panels of colour useful for massing and defining the ‘breakout’ teaching areas and paths of travel, and storage elements are detailed and arranged to draw attention to their aesthetic features. Modifications were difficult due to the random placement of load bearing walls, minimum ceiling heights, the general standard of finishes and new fire and energy requirements, however the reuse of this building was assessed to be up to 30% cheaper than an equivalent new building, The fit out integrates information technology and services at a level not usually found in primary school facilities. This has been achieved within the existing building fabric through thoughtful detailing and co-ordination with allied disciplines.