Lei nº 8.112/90 : Lei nº 8112, de 11 de dezembro de 1990, que dispõe sobre o regime jurídico dos servidores públicos civis da União, das autarquias e das fundações públicas federais, e legislação correlata

Atualizada até 31/8/2016.

Incorporating American Dreams into Australian Stories: Political Erasure and cultural transference in film adaptations of Australian Literary Classics

Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)

O calcanhar de aquiles do Regime Diferenciado de Contratações - RDC

Analisa a nova modalidade de contratação de bens, serviços e obras de engenharia pela Administração Pública, denominada Regime Diferenciado de Contratações – RDC, instituído pela Lei nº 12.462, de 2011

O Brasil no regime internacional dos direitos humanos de crianças, adolescentes e jovens : comparação de parâmetros de justiça juvenil

Trata do estabelecimento de idade mínima para imputabilidade penal no Brasil, desde o Código Criminal do Império, de 1830, e o primeiro Código dos Menores, em 1927, até a fixação dos dezoito anos no art. 228 da Constituição da República, em 1988. Demonstra a importância da análise comparada sobre Idade Mínima de Responsabilidade Penal - IMRP e Idade de Maioridade Penal - IMP em diversos países. Chega-se à conclusão de que o parâmetro brasileiro de IMRP aos doze anos e IMP aos dezoito anos está em conformidade com os compromissos globais que regulam o direito e o processo em matéria de justiça juvenil, e está equilibrado em relação aos índices aplicados no contexto interamericano e mundial.

O regime de orçamento impositivo das Emendas Individuais : disposições da Emenda Constitucional nº 86, de 2015, e da LDO 2015

Descreve as principais alterações promovidas pelas disposições que tratam do orçamento impositivo e suas consequências no modelo orçamentário brasileiro. A PEC 358-B, de 2013, corresponde integralmente à PEC 22-A, aprovada pelo Senado Federal em 2013.

Análise da proposta de retorno ao regime de concessão no Pré-Sal e em áreas estratégicas

Trata do regime de exploração de petróleo no Brasil, analisando as vantagens e desvantagens do regime de partilha e do regime de concessão.

Concessão ou Partilha, qual é o melhor regime para o pré-Sal ?

Analisa aspectos do Projeto de Lei nº 6.726, de 2013, de autoria do ilustre Deputado Mendonça Filho, que, na prática, extingue o regime de partilha de produção no Pré-Sal e em áreas estratégicas, passando a existir apenas o regime de concessão.

La poesía española bajo el franquismo: compromiso y denuncia

Ejemplar monográfico titulado: "De poesía y crítica"

Discrepancias en el seno de la burguesía guipuzcoana en torno a la libertad de comercio y el traslado de aduanas durante los siglos XVIII y XIX

[ES] El objetivo del presente artículo es demostrar y analizar las discrepancias que hubo en el seno de la burguesía guipuzcoana durante los siglos XVIII y XIX en torno a la habilitación de los puertos guipuzcoanos para el comercio directo con América y el traslado de aduanas desde el interior a la costa. Para ello, se acude a la extensa historiografía que se ha ocupado del tema y se hace un análisis crítico de cierto número de representaciones enviadas por el grupo de comerciantes disidentes, con el fin de llevar a cabo un reco- rrido por el debate en torno a ambas cuestiones, que se prolongó desde el advenimiento de la dinastía borbónica hasta los decretos de 1841. A pesar de la visión unívoca que se ha dado del mencionado debate, según la cual parti- ciparon dos bloques perfectamente diferenciados, la documentación muestra una mayor heterogeneidad en las posturas, de manera que en el seno de la burguesía comercial se perciben ciertas divisiones y discrepancias. Si bien es cierto que en un principio los bloques parecen tener un discurso claramente beligerante, aunque también existen todavía puntos de coincidencia, a medi- da que transcurre el tiempo, las posturas se van radicalizando y diversifi- cando, creando una mayor heterogeneidad.

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

A scaling law of photoionization in few-cycle regime

In this paper, a scaling law of photoionization of atoms irradiated by intense, few- cycle laser pulses is established. The scaling law sets a relation to the phase- dependent ionization with the kinetic energy of photoelectrons, the duration and peak intensity of short pulses, and the ionization potential of the target atoms. We find that it will be advantageous to manifest the phase- dependent photoionization by choosing the target atoms with larger ionization potential, using laser with smaller carrier- frequency, and increasing the pulse intensity. (c) 2007 Optical Society of America.

Electron injection by a nanowire in the bubble regime

The triggering of wave-breaking in a three-dimensional laser plasma wake (bubble) is investigated. The Coulomb potential from a nanowire is used to disturb the wake field to initialize the wave-breaking. The electron acceleration becomes more stable and the laser power needed for self-trapping is lowered. Three-dimensional particle-in-cell simulations were performed. Electrons with a charge of about 100 pC can be accelerated stably to energy about 170 MeV with a laser energy of 460 mJ. The first step towards tailoring the electron beam properties such as the energy, energy spread, and charge is discussed. (C) 2007 American Institute of Physics.