Os antecedentes e a luta atual em torno da Conferência Nacional de Comunicação

The ancient struggle for a National Conference on Communication in Brazil, truly representative and with clear opportunities to define new rules to the sector of communication, has been waged for years and was conducted in late 2009. It is proposed to identify the background of the historic struggle for CNC can be perceived in the defense of press freedom and freedom of expression in seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, most recently in the movements of democratization policy in the 80s and 90s. The research was done by analyzing the direct and indirect official document concerning the establishment of guidelines and the convening of the Conference, and manifestation of civil society and business. 


A agenda da regulação da comunicação social no Brasil: da constituinte aos impasses contemporâneos

The paper analyzes the regulatory framework for the Media in Brazil in the Federal Constitution and the nexus between democratization and constitutional process, interpreting relevant actors (government, political parties, civil society) and figured as the themes of communication and institutional political agenda. The obstacles to the regulation of many of the statements remain constitutional (right of communication; seal monopolies / oligopolies; regionalization of cultural production; nationalist character in control of broadcasting; compatibility between segments state, public and commercial; Social Communication Council), that replaces debate on the very principle of the right to communication regulation by analyzing the corresponding decisionmaking processes. This conflictual agenda-setting involves multiple interests, from strictly commercial aspirations of companies operating in this market, going by the increasing share of religious institutions who also want to expand upon practices of proselytizing until the interests of policy makers who also have control over a slice of that business.

Planos diretores participativos e gestão urbana em cidades médias sob o estatuto da cidade

The paper analyzes the implementation of the new regulatory framework of urban policy in Brazil, synthesized by the Constitution of 1988 and its subsequent regulations by the Statute of the City (Federal Law No. 10.257/2001). The empirical analysis focuses on three medium-sized cities in the state of São Paulo (Piracicaba, Bauru and Rio Claro), and addresses three complementary dimensions. First: interprets the participatory processes that resulted in the new Master Plan. Second, analyzes the crisis of the developmental model for understanding the transformations experienced by the Brazilian urban network, through which the medium-sized cities took on increasing economic relevance. Third: examines the inclusion and regulation of Special Zones of Social Interest (ZEIS) and how this instrument has been used in dealing with urban problems and the housing deficit. Apart from normative considerations, the study aims to assess the actual contribution of the City Statute in the democratization of urban management.

Participação política, planos diretores e gestão urbana sob o Estatuto da Cidade

The hegemonic version of democracy is based on Schumpeter’s approach, a legacy of liberal pluralism that reduces the formation of legitimate majorities through representation. Nevertheless, the democratization of authoritarian countries has provided innovative experiences of civil society in new participatory formats. At the institutional level, the Statute of the City regulated the chapter of the Urban Policy of the Federal Constitution of 1988. It advocates participatory formats of public policies in urban management “through public participation and representative associations”. The construction of this agenda is the result of institutional imposition and it reflects the government decisions and civil society demands. This paper analyzes the participation, its ability to share decisions, and to what extent these participatory formats depend on governments for the implementation of new paradigms of urban management. The approach combines theoretical and empirical analysis of development processes of Master Plans normatively guided by the City Statute. The empirical basis is formed by three medium-sized cities in Sao Paulo state: Piracicaba, Bauru and Rio Claro.

O uso de geotecnologias para mapeamento de áreas verdes urbanas e análise da percepção ambiental no município de São Paulo

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Dos sujeitos e lugares da punição: da passagem do/a jovem perigoso/a para o/a jovem em perigo: um estudo das dimensões do dispositivo da gestão dos riscos e de controle social da juventude

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Comunicação e ação política no contínuo mediático: Luhmann contra Habermas. E nós contra todos

A política para Jürgen Habermas se faz com a formação de consciências e com o investimento na linguagem, no falar cotidiano, na relação intersubjetiva. Já para Niklas Luhmann, a política se faz por si mesma, e a opinião pública não tem relação com a opinião pessoal. Não adianta investir na linguagem, porque ela é pré-social, está além dos sujeitos, nenhuma democratização pode sair daí. Mas as propostas dos dois pensadores mostram-se insuficientes para a atualidade, com suas altas tecnologias comunicacionais, pois nenhum dos modelos dá uma resposta animadora para a questão das redes, nenhuma delas visualiza um espaço mediático próprio fazendo a mediação dos sistemas, nenhuma delas dá elementos para a construção de uma teoria da comunicação tecnologicamente avançada.

Elections and Democracy in Brazil: Victor Nunes Leal and the 1945 Transition

This article discusses the necessary conditions for a democratic government to prevail, with the study Coronelismo: the Municipality and Representative Government in Brazil as the point of departure. The article seeks to identify the book's causal explanations for the emergence of democracy, and more precisely for regimes in which governments lose elections. Why were elections not truly competitive over the course of the Empire and the First Republic? Why did they change after the fall of the Estado Novo? Nunes Leal was one of the few Brazilian authors to explicitly tackle this challenge.

Learning Democracy Together in School? : Student and Teacher Attitudes in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations. Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law. The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation. Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.

Politiche di sviluppo e questione etnica. La cooperazione italiana IN Bosnia Erzegovina

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.

Demokratie, good governance und Entwicklung: Eine quantitative Analyse für 191 Staaten im Zeitraum 1996 bis 2005

Das Jahr 1989 markiert nicht nur den Beginn entscheidender geopolitischer Veränderungen, sondern gleichzeitig den Ursprung eines bedeutsamen Wandels in der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Mit der viel beachteten Studie ‚Sub-Saharan Africa – From Crisis to Sustainable Growth’ initiierte die Weltbank eine Debatte über die Relevanz institutioneller Faktoren für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, die in den folgenden Jahren unter dem Titel ‚Good Governance’ erhebliche Bedeutung erlangte. Nahezu alle zentralen Akteure begannen, entsprechende Aspekte in ihrer praktischen Arbeit zu berücksichtigen, und entwickelten eigene Konzepte zu dieser Thematik. Wenn auch mit der Konzentration auf Institutionen als Entwicklungsdeterminanten eine grundlegende Gemeinsamkeit der Ansätze festzustellen ist, unterscheiden sie sich jedoch erheblich im Hinblick auf die Einbeziehung politischer Faktoren, so dass von einem einheitlichen Verständnis von ‚Good Governance’ nicht gesprochen werden kann. Während die meisten bilateralen Akteure sowie DAC und UNDP Demokratie und Menschenrechte explizit als zentrale Bestandteile betrachten, identifiziert die Weltbank einen Kern von Good Governance, der unabhängig von der Herrschaftsform, also sowohl in Demokratien wie auch in Autokratien, verwirklicht werden kann. Die Implikationen dieser Feststellung sind weit reichend. Zunächst erlaubt erst diese Sichtweise der Bank überhaupt, entsprechende Aspekte aufzugreifen, da ihr eine Berücksichtigung politischer Faktoren durch ihre Statuten verboten ist. Bedeutsamer ist allerdings, dass die Behauptung der Trennbarkeit von Good Governance und der Form politischer Herrschaft die Möglichkeit eröffnet, Entwicklung zu erreichen ohne eine demokratische Ordnung zu etablieren, da folglich autokratische Systeme in gleicher Weise wie Demokratien in der Lage sind, die institutionellen Voraussetzungen zu verwirklichen, welche als zentrale Determinanten für wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt identifiziert wurden. Damit entfällt nicht nur ein bedeutsamer Rechtfertigungsgrund für demokratische Herrschaft als solche, sondern rekurrierend auf bestimmte, dieser zu attestierende, entwicklungshemmende Charakteristika können Autokratien nun möglicherweise als überlegene Herrschaftsform verstanden werden, da sie durch jene nicht gekennzeichnet sind. Die Schlussfolgerungen der Weltbank unterstützen somit auch die vor allem im Zusammenhang mit der Erfolgsgeschichte der ostasiatischen Tigerstaaten vertretene Idee der Entwicklungsdiktatur, die heute mit dem Aufstieg der Volksrepublik China eine Renaissance erlebt. Der wirtschaftliche Erfolg dieser Staaten ist danach auf die überlegene Handlungsfähigkeit autokratischer Systeme zurückzuführen, während Demokratien aufgrund der Verantwortlichkeitsbeziehungen zwischen Regierenden und Regierten nicht in der Lage sind, die notwendigen Entscheidungen zu treffen und durchzusetzen. Die dargestellte Sichtweise der Weltbank ist allerdings von verschiedenen Autoren in Zweifel gezogen worden, die auch für ein im Wesentlichen auf technische Elemente beschränktes Good Governance-Konzept einen Zusammenhang mit der Form politischer Herrschaft erkennen. So wird beispielsweise vertreten, das Konzept der Bank bewege sich ausdrücklich nicht in einem systemneutralen Vakuum, sondern propagiere zumindest implizit die Etablierung demokratischer Regierungsformen. Im Übrigen steht die aus den Annahmen der Weltbank neuerlich abgeleitete Idee der Entwicklungsdiktatur in einem erheblichen Widerspruch zu der von multilateralen wie bilateralen Akteuren verstärkt verfolgten Förderung demokratischer Herrschaft als Mittel für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung sowie der fortschreitenden Verbreitung der Demokratie. Besteht nun doch ein Einfluss der Herrschaftsform auf die Verwirklichung von Good Governance als zentraler Entwicklungsdeterminante und kann zudem davon ausgegangen werden, dass Demokratien diesbezüglich Vorteile besitzen, dann ist eine Entwicklungsdiktatur keine denkbare Möglichkeit, sondern im Gegenteil demokratische Herrschaft der gebotene Weg zu wirtschaftlichem Wachstum bzw. einer Verbesserung der Lebensverhältnisse. Aufgrund der mit den Schlussfolgerungen der Weltbank verbundenen bedeutsamen Implikationen und der bisher weitestgehend fehlenden ausführlichen Thematisierung dieses Gegenstands in der Literatur ist eine detaillierte theoretische Betrachtung der Zusammenhänge zwischen den zentralen Elementen von Good Governance und demokratischer Herrschaft notwendig. Darüber hinaus sollen die angesprochenen Beziehungen auch einer empirischen Analyse unterzogen werden. Gegenstand dieser Arbeit ist deshalb die Fragestellung, ob Good Governance eine von demokratischer Herrschaft theoretisch und empirisch unabhängige Entwicklungsstrategie darstellt.

Indonesien in der ASEAN des 21. Jahrhunderts: eine Analyse des indonesischen Einflusspotenzials in der Assoziation südostasiatischer Staaten

Die Geschichte und Entwicklung der ASEAN und Indonesiens im Zeitraum von 1967rnbis ins frühe 21. Jahrhundert sind eng miteinander verknüpft. Um der Frage nachrndem indonesischen Einflusspotenzial in der ASEAN im 21. Jahrhundert nachgehenrnund dann einen Ausblick auf die Zukunft der Rolle Indonesiens in der ASEAN gebenrnzu können, bedarf es zunächst einer Analyse dessen, was in der Vergangenheitrndazu führte, dass Indonesien in der Region als primus inter pares wahrgenommenrnwurde, und der Rolle, die Indonesien im Rahmen der Erweiterung und Vertiefung der ASEAN bisher spielte. So ist der Fokus der Arbeit auf vier Phasen gerichtet: (1) die Gründungszeit der ASEAN sowie die Etablierung Indonesiens als einer der einflussreichsten Mitgliedstaaten; (2) die asiatische Finanzkrise, die nicht nur der Entwicklung der ASEAN als erstem Erfolgsmodell regionaler Kooperation in Südostasien vorläufig ein Ende setzte, sondern auch Indonesien in große wirtschaftliche wie politische Turbulenzen trieb; (3) die überregionale Erweiterung der ASEAN und der Beginn der politischen Transformation in Indonesien sowie (4) die Vertiefung der ASEAN-Kooperation und die Stabilisierung Indonesiens als demokratischer Akteur. rnFür alle vier Phasen werden das materielle Machtprofil, die institutionellen Verknüpfungen sowie ideelle Faktoren des Einflusspotenzials Indonesiens untersucht, um sich einer Antwort auf die Frage zu nähern, über welches Einflusspotenzial Indonesien in der ASEAN des 21. Jahrhunderts verfügt. Die Analyse bringt zutage, dass es Indonesien vor der Asienkrise trotz erheblicherrnEntwicklungsrückstände möglich war, gestaltenden Einfluss auf die ASEANrnauszuüben und an regionaler Bedeutsamkeit sowie Einflusspotenzial in der ASEANrnzu gewinnen. Trotz deutlich erkennbarer Entwicklungsfortschritte ist dasrngegenwärtige Indonesien jedoch nicht in der Lage, sein Einflusspotenzial in derrnASEAN zu steigern, sich als relevanter Akteur zu etablieren und erneut einernSchlüsselrolle einzunehmen. Die Akteure der ASEAN folgen nicht wie einst denrnIdeen Indonesiens, und die regionale Fremdwahrnehmung Indonesiens wird ganzrnerheblich vom derzeitigen politischen und sozialen Wertesystem beeinflusst, mit dem sich kein anderer ASEAN-Staat ohne Einschränkung identifizieren kann. rnDie Erkenntnisse der Arbeit führen letztlich zu dem Fazit, dass es aktuell kaum Raum für eine Steigerung des indonesishen Einflusse innerhalb des ostasiatischenrnRegionalismus gibt. Für die Gegenwart und vielleicht die kommenden Dekaden mussrnfür Indonesien attestiert werden, dass es sich mit der Rolle als Teilnehmer in den ASEAN-Prozessen begnügen muss.

Things Fall Apart: Dictatorships, Development, and Democracy in Africa

Recent events in Africa provide evidence of the failure of dictatorships to meet the needs of citizens and serve to debunk a number of development theory assumptions: that democratization is culturally determined, that democratization will follow economic development, and that dictatorships tend to produce durable, stable development. Therefore, the attempt to achieve development without democratization is risky and potentially very costly. We argue that dictatorship in Africa serves a function akin to Myrdal's backwash effects, thwarting economic progress in a cumulative and circular way, and that democratization must become a necessary criterion of engagement with African countries.