765 resultados para National identity reconstruction
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A telenovela se desenvolveu junto a fatos históricos da sociedade brasileira. Na medida em que servia de espaço para retratar as características de um povo que busca uma identidade, a própria telenovela ajudou a construir essa identidade nacional. Através de estudo bibliográfico buscamos dissertar sobre a imagem produzida na telenovela e re-elaborada pelo telespectador, inferindo sobre a aceitação das telenovelas brasileiras no exterior, uma vez que é um produto específico desenvolvido pela e para a sociedade brasileira. As conclusões apresentadas indicam uma relação, no plano simbólico e afetivo, entre imagem e telespectador, servindo como instrumento de reconhecimento e motivador.
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La elección de examinar la contrarrevolución a través de sus mayores éxitos, las cuatro restauraciones victoriosas, y su derrota, la restauración fallida, puede enriquecer las perspectivas tradicionales sobre la resistencia y la crisis del Reino de las dos Sicilias. Los conflictos europeos, las guerras civiles, las construcciones estatales y la creación de identidades nacionales modernas son fenómenos que se entrecruzan con la complicada historia del reino napolitano. A través de la perspectiva de las restauraciones, bien dinásticas (1799 y 1815), o bien absolutistas (1821 y 1849), podemos insertar en un esquema interpretativo general la dialéctica entre conflicto interno y crisis internacionales, la interrelación con la formación de las ideas y adscripciones nacionalistas y la comparación con la contrarrevolución en el mundo borbónico. El paradigma del conflicto nos permite también el contraste con el más amplio mundo borbónico, francés y, sobre todo, iberoamericano. De este modo podemos reflexionar tanto sobre el éxito del legitimismo napolitano como sobre los términos de su derrota en 1860 y sobre las razones de su reciente fortuna en el imaginario colectivo italiano.
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Más allá del mito de la discreta regente de España, María Cristina de Habsburgo ofrece una imagen poliédrica que puede contribuir a calibrar la importancia política, cultural y social de la representación simbólica de la corona. Las imágenes —oficial, de la oposición y populares— de María Cristina son analizadas desde diversas perspectivas: la consolidación de una monarquía en crisis tras el fallecimiento de Alfonso XII pocos años después de la República, la creación de una identidad nacional todavía no afirmada y la conformación de los estereotipos de género en torno al discurso de la separación de esferas. Imágenes que daban respuestas muchas veces divergentes a las circunstancias que distinguían a Maria Cristina de otros monarcas: era regente y no reina por derecho propio, era extranjera pero ocupaba el trono español y era mujer pero desempeñaba la más alta magistratura del país.
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Aquest article recull les aportacions abocades al voltant de la literatura com a eina per construir les identitats, personals (de gènere i/o sexual) i col·lectives (i/o nacionals) en el fòrum de debat del II Simposi d’Ensenyament de la Literatura i la Llengua. A partir de la proposta de diverses preguntes bastírem ponts de conversa referents a qüestions com ara la formació del professorat en qüestions de gènere, l'explicitació o no a l'aula les diverses formes de desig sexual, el trencament dels tòpics masculí/femení, el paper cabdal de l'etnopoètica com a eina per construir la identitat nacional o la delimitació i popularització dels símbols i mites col·lectius. El text inclou també propostes de textos per a treballar a l'aula els aspectes sobre els quals reflexionem.
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This project analyzes contemporary black diasporic writing in Canada, arguing that Dionne Brand, Austin Clarke and Tessa McWatt evince a unique form of double-consciousness in their writings. Their work transforms African-American double-consciousness by locating it simultaneously within both the black diaspora and the practice of Canadian multiculturalism. The objective of this project is to offer a critical framework for situating these writers within the legacy of both Black Atlantic and Canadian cultural production. These writers do not aim to resolve their double-consciousness but rather dwell within that contradictory doubleness and hyphenation, forcing nation and diaspora to contend with one another in a discomfiting and unsettling dialogue. These authors employ the absences of the black diaspora to imagine new forms of black cultural production, multicultural citizenship and national identity. Their works produce a grammar of diasporic double-consciousness that locates the absented origins of diaspora within Canada. Brand’s depiction of temporality and Clarke’s tracing of movement explore the continuities between nation and diaspora while re-membering neglected aspects of the history of black Canada, such as the life and death of Albert Johnson. McWatt extends this blackening of nation by depicting coalitions between diasporic, indigenous, raced and sexed subjects. These authors transform hegemonic Canadian narratives of nation by dwelling in the hyphen, while their evocation of memory, absence, trauma, and desire gives blackness new meaning and legitimacy.
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Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Cultura e Comunicação), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2016
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L’empire colonial est un élément central de la construction officielle de l’identité nationale portugaise. Le processus d’indépendance des anciennes colonies après le 25 avril 1974 a conduit à la reconfiguration des manières de raconter le passé. Basé sur deux études de cas, cet article prétend analyser comment des nouvelles médiations et des nouveaux récits ont été utilisés pour reconfigurer cette mémoire. Le cas de la construction biographique du joueur de football mozambicain Eusébio da Silva Ferreira, le grand héros du football portugais, et l’analyse de l’héritage de l’architecture coloniale moderne portugaise visent à démontrer le rôle que ces récits produits dans des champs d’activités spécifiques ont joué dans le maintien d’un discours portant sur la grandeur coloniale, discours qui est lui-même une dimension de l’institutionnalisation de ces champs.
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The regions of the Russian Federation are immensely diverse economically and geographically as well as when it comes to their national identity, civic awareness and political activity. We are in fact dealing with a ‘multi-speed Russia’: along with the post-industrial regions with their higher living standards and a need for pluralism in politics, there are poverty-stricken, inertial regions, dependent on subsidies from the centre. As a result of the policy of centralisation pursued by the Kremlin since 2000, the autonomy of the regions has been reduced fundamentally. This has affected the performance of the regional elites and made it difficult for the regions to use their natural advantages (such as resources or location) to their benefit. One of the effects of this policy has been the constantly decreasing number of the donor regions. The current model promotes the role of the region as a passive supplicant, for whom it is easier to seek support from the central government, offering loyalty in exchange, than to implement complex systemic reforms that would contribute to long-term development. Moscow’s control (political, economic and administrative) over the regions is currently so thorough that it contradicts the formally existing federal form of government in Russia.
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Gennany has recently witnessed a vast increase in anti-foreign violence. Assembling data from a wide variety of recent research, the paper addresses two basic questions: to what extent is the outburst of xenophobic attacks a German peculiarity? and what are the explanations for the mcreasing violence? An analysis of criminal statistics of various European countries and of comparative opinion polls in the European Community shows that Germany has indeed witnessed a growth of anti-foreign sentiment, and a level of violence that is conspicuous from a com parative perspective. Four possible determinants of this peculiarity of recent German history are discussed: (1) the growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity due to the vast increase in immigration from non-European countries; (2) the increasing costs of foreigners' claims on the German welfare state; (3) the economic context of immigration; and (4) the transformation of national identity in the context of German unification. It is shown that neither the rate of immigration nor the position of foreigners in the German welfare state yields satisfactory explanations for the recent upsurge in violence, which only occurred after unification. The key for an explanation lies in a particular macro-constellation that is characterized by the concurrence of a massive wave of immigration with an economic crisis, and with the ethnicization of German national identity in the context of unification. Anti-foreign sentiments do not automatically follow increases in immigration, but grow in a specific political climate to which the political elites actively contribute.
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Thirty years after the Chornobyl nuclear power plant disaster, its aftermath and consequences are still a permanent element of the economic, environmental and social situation of Ukraine, Belarus and some regions of Russia. Ukraine, to which the scope of this text is limited, experienced the most severe shock because, among other factors, the plant where the accident took place was located just 100 km away from Kyiv. Its consequences have affected the course of political developments in the country, and have become part of the newly-shaped national identity of independent Ukraine. The country bore the huge cost of the clean-up effort but did not give up on nuclear energy, and today nuclear power plants generate more than half of its electricity. The system of social benefits for people recognised as disaster survivors, which was put in place by the Soviet government, has become a huge burden on the country’s budget; if implemented fully, it would account for more than 10% of total public spending, and is therefore being implemented to only a partial extent. This system has reinforced the Ukrainian people’s sense of helplessness and dependence on the state. The disaster has also become part of the ‘victim nation’ blueprint of the Ukrainian national myth, which it has further solidified. The technological and environmental consequences of the disaster, and hence also its economic costs, will persist for centuries, while the social consequences will dissipate as the affected generation passes away. In any case, Chornobyl will remain an important part of the life of the Ukrainian state and society.
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How do fictional texts contribute to the development and consolidation of individual and collective identities? What role do they play in cementing particular perceptions, for example of sexual or national identity? How do fictional texts make it possible for such ideas and concepts to be aggregated into whole complexes of identities? With reference to Sigmund Freud’s lecture about “Creative Writers and Day Dreaming”, this article employs such questions to interrogate the most familiar works of two nationally iconic authors, Thomas Mann and Max Frisch.
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Sir Walter Scott is often regarded as the first historical novelist. Reinventing Liberty challenges this view by returning us to the rich range of historical fiction written in the late 18th and early 19th century. For the first time placing these works in the context of British politics and British history writing, this book redefines the historical novel, revealing a genre which seeks to manage political change through historiographical experimentation. It explores how historical novelists participated in a contentious debate concerning the nature of commercial modernity, the formulation of political progress and British national identity. Ranging across well-known writers, like William Godwin, Horace Walpole and Frances Burney, to lesser-known figures, such as Cornelia Ellis Knight and Jane Porter, Reinventing Liberty uncovers how history becomes a site to rethink Britain as ‘land of liberty’. Reading Scott in relation to this tradition, Reinventing Liberty demonstrates the genre’s troubled role in the construction of the myth of Britain as a nation of gradual, safe political change.
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Inglehart's thesis of value change is one of the most widely discussed accounts of social and political change in advanced Western nations. This article offers a critique of Inglehart's thesis and a clarification of the Australian case. While critics of Inglehart have attacked the validity of his values measures, or sought to improve them, we use Inglehart's own values index to show that even if-as Inglehart claims-his measures are valid, the age/values predictions do not hold as the theory suggests in Australia. In a recent article, Inglehart and Abramson (1999, 673) cite Australia among a group of '28 high-income' countries that exhibit 'stronger relationships between values and age' than found in the United States. We dispute Inglehart and Abramson's findings in relation to Australia. We show that the relationship between age and values in Australia, like the United States, is very weak, highlight the problematic nature of assuming a linear relationship between age and values without evidence, and discover a new non-linear relationship between values and birth cohorts in Australia that has implications for the study of values research internationally.
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This article examines two women who signified the 'ideal' feminine for Australians and represented the Australian nation on the global stage: Beryl Mills, the first Miss Australia, crowned in 1926, and Tania Verstak, Miss Australia 1961. Both women gained celebrity through their role as Miss Australia, but Tania Verstak is of particular significance as the first 'new Australian' woman to win the coveted title. The strategy of viewing the two women as embodying the Australian nation reveals some of the dramatic social shifts that occurred in the Australian consciousness over the thirty-five years that separated the two title-holders; furthermore, it demonstrates how those shifts reshaped Australia's national identity and its feminine imagery.
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This article concerns the alleged apparitions of the Virgin Mary in one of the most popular, 'active' apparitional sites in the world: Medjugorje in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The connection between nationalist discourse and apparitions has often been observed and noted in the literature on nationalism; however, the examples of this connection are scattered in the literature and the question why the apparitional phenomenon so easily lends itself to co-option into nationalist discourse has never been addressed. This article explores this question by showing that what binds the two phenomena together is the idea of 'chosenness' and 'specialness', which in turn can be theoretically linked to discussions about national election in the literature on nationalism. This article illustrates the convergence of nationalist and apparitional discourses by drawing on a selected number of examples of how the apparitions in Medjugorje have been appropriated by Croatian nationalist discourse.