916 resultados para Exclusive and concurrent legislative powers


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Terms like Internet, cyberspace, virtual reality, in short, globalization, have been frequently words for all of us, in recent years. This refers to the phenomenon that has shaken the people of this world. Are rapidly changing due to technological advances and complex levels reaching relations between countries, corporations, partnerships and people.The attempt to understand the phenomenon of globalization is compounded when we try to understand the term, coined by Marshall McLuhan.McLuhan was born in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada and studied at the Universities of Manitoba and Cambridge, the latter of which he received his degree of Doctor of Philosophy specializing in English Literature. He taught at the universities of Wisconsin and St. Louis and University of the Assumption and Saint Michael's College, University of Toronto, where he was director of the Center for Culture and Technology.Marshall McLuhan and B. R. Powers, wrote the play, The Village Global1. The universe has become a village is the future predicted for them in the 60's. Today reality has overtaken the theory. However, this phenomenon is presented in this work, so whimsical style reminiscent of Jules Verne, but does not clarify the content of the term. While we believe that in the past there were attempts; globalize these attempts were very different from what we understand by globalization. 

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This work aims to understand the phenomenon of corruption in the Brazilian public sphere and its implications for society. It has brought concepts of corruption, and has referred to its highest incidence in the public sphere in the three levels of government (despite its infiltration also in the privative sector) and has called attention to two subjects which intertwine public administration (as a means of ordering social life) and corruption (as a form of denial to the collective welfare). Through literature search whose analysis shows that the phenomenon contains the entire country history, from discovery to present day it was found to be common several dictatorial and democratic political regimes. Finally, it has emphasized the importance and necessity of citizen participation in process, as well as the organization of civil society and media, in addition to highlighting the relevance of autonomy and independence of Powers set for its effective confrontation and fighting

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The experimental legislation follows the development of legislative evaluation practices. Being a legislative technique used not only with the aim of gathering political and social consensus, but also, especially in controversial matters, to provide data and information that will serve as basis for a clarified and justified legislative decision. The characteristic features of the experimental laws are its limited application in time and/or in territory and the prediction, in the law itself, of an evaluation after the experimental period. The application of an experimental law just in a specific geographic area raises constitutional issues because of the implications of the principle of equality. Indeed, the principle of equality, despite admitting some treatment differences between people, commands that these differences have to be legitimate, reasonable and proportional, namely, not arbitrary. Besides the constitutionality problem for the violation of the principle of equality, the experimental laws may also consist of laws restricting fundamental rights and be the cause of the liability of the State, within its legislative function.

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A presente dissertação de mestrado visa a apresentação de uma proposta de valorização para o espaço edificado do Convento de S. José da Esperança, da cidade de Évora. Procurámos traçar a história do Convento de S. José ao longo de um período de cerca de 200 anos, apresentando ainda as várias funções do imóvel, desde a sua extinção até à atualidade. Abordámos a questão da instalação física do cenóbio, relacionando-a com as razões da escolha da Ordem Carmelita Descalça. Contextualizámos este especto com as origens da Ordem do Carmo, a reforma desta Ordem, originando o nascimento da Ordem Carmelita Descalça, e a sua entrada em Portugal. Sublinhámos a importância das fundadoras e o seu legado testamentário para a subsistência desta instituição religiosa e como essa subsistência conheceu vicissitudes e contrariedades várias ao longo da vida da comunidade. Procurámos depois entender o espaço conventual edificado, pelo que procedemos a uma análise histórico-arquitetónica do conjunto conventual, nomeadamente a ampliação dos espaços, e depois da extinção e da mudança de propriedade, a adaptação a novas funções e as necessárias intervenções nele ocorridas. Por fim, atendendo à história do Convento, à riqueza patrimonial que ele representa tanto para a sociedade em geral como para os Eborenses em particular, atendendo à sua inserção no Centro Histórico de Évora - CHE, com a classificação de Património Mundial atribuída pela UNESCO em 1986, e atendendo ao vasto quadro legislativo nacional e internacional relativo à proteção e valorização do património cultural, apresentámos a nossa proposta de valorização do Conjunto Conventual, que nos parece, em conformidade com o exposto, a mais apropriada àquele espaço. ABSTRACT: This master's thesis aims to propose a recovery area for the valorization of the building space of Convento de S. José da Esperança, in Évora. We traced the history of the Convent of S. José over a period of about 200 years, by exploring the various functions of the building, since its extinction as religious community until now. We addressed the question of the physical installation the life of the religious community, linking it with the reasons for the choice of the Ordem Carmelita Descalça's to settle there. This aspect was then contextualized with the origins of the Ordem do Carmo, the reform of the Order, resulting in the birth of the Ordem Carmelita Descalça, and its entry into Portugal. We emphasized the importance of the founders and their legacy to the livelihood of the subsistence of this religious institution. Along the history the Ordem experienced several setbacks and problems over the life of the community. Our study led to an understanding of the conventual space as a physical building. For that we undertook an historical and architectonical analysis of the conventual set, namely the enlargement of spaces, and after the extinction and the property change, the adaptation to new functions and the necessary interventions that it suffered. We presented our proposal of historical and architectonical valorization of the convent, taking into account the history of the Convent, as a rich heritage, not only for the city of Évora, but also to the country, as a whole. We took into account the fact that the convent is inside the historical centre of Évora (World Heritage City- UNESCO- since 1986), and it must comply to national and international legislative framework for the protection and enhancement of cultural heritage. Our proposal of recovery of the conventual set is, in line with the above, the most appropriate to that space.

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Avec l’adoption le 4 octobre 2011 par l’Assemblée nationale du Québec du projet de loi 89 intitulé «Loi modifiant la Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement afin d’en renforcer le respect», le législateur est venu renforcer le régime de droit pénal en augmentant la sévérité des peines pour les infractions à Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement. Il a aussi élargi les pouvoirs d’intervention du ministre en lien avec les autorisations qu’il émet. Cependant, la principale réforme apportée par le projet de loi 89 qui touche aux mécanismes même de protection de l’environnement, est la création de toute pièce d’un régime de sanctions dites administratives pécuniaires, parallèlement au régime de sanctions déjà existantes. La première interrogation, soulevée à l’égard des sanctions administratives pécuniaires, et la plus fondamentale, était celle de savoir si le contrevenant devait bénéficier des protections constitutionnelles énoncées à l’article 11 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, tel un inculpé face à une procédure pénale. Puisque nous concluons que ces sanctions relèvent uniquement du droit administratif, nous avons cherché à déterminer quel serait le contenu du devoir d’agir équitablement de l’Administration lors du processus d’émission et de contestation de la sanction administrative pécuniaire.

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Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto Superior de Psicologia Aplicada para obtenção de grau de Mestre na especialidade de Psicologia Clínica.

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Avec l’adoption le 4 octobre 2011 par l’Assemblée nationale du Québec du projet de loi 89 intitulé «Loi modifiant la Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement afin d’en renforcer le respect», le législateur est venu renforcer le régime de droit pénal en augmentant la sévérité des peines pour les infractions à Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement. Il a aussi élargi les pouvoirs d’intervention du ministre en lien avec les autorisations qu’il émet. Cependant, la principale réforme apportée par le projet de loi 89 qui touche aux mécanismes même de protection de l’environnement, est la création de toute pièce d’un régime de sanctions dites administratives pécuniaires, parallèlement au régime de sanctions déjà existantes. La première interrogation, soulevée à l’égard des sanctions administratives pécuniaires, et la plus fondamentale, était celle de savoir si le contrevenant devait bénéficier des protections constitutionnelles énoncées à l’article 11 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, tel un inculpé face à une procédure pénale. Puisque nous concluons que ces sanctions relèvent uniquement du droit administratif, nous avons cherché à déterminer quel serait le contenu du devoir d’agir équitablement de l’Administration lors du processus d’émission et de contestation de la sanction administrative pécuniaire.

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Le développement au cours des dernières décennies de lasers à fibre à verrouillage de modes permet aujourd’hui d’avoir accès à des sources fiables d’impulsions femtosecondes qui sont utilisées autant dans les laboratoires de recherche que pour des applications commerciales. Grâce à leur large bande passante ainsi qu’à leur excellente dissipation de chaleur, les fibres dopées avec des ions de terres rares ont permis l’amplification et la génération d’impulsions brèves de haute énergie avec une forte cadence. Cependant, les effets non linéaires causés par la faible taille du faisceau dans la fibre ainsi que la saturation de l’inversion de population du milieu compliquent l’utilisation d’amplificateurs fibrés pour l’obtention d’impulsions brèves dont l’énergie dépasse le millijoule. Diverses stratégies comme l’étirement des impulsions à des durées de l’ordre de la nanoseconde, l’utilisation de fibres à cristaux photoniques ayant un coeur plus large et l’amplification en parallèle ont permis de contourner ces limitations pour obtenir des impulsions de quelques millijoules ayant une durée inférieure à la picoseconde. Ce mémoire de maîtrise présente une nouvelle approche pour l’amplification d’impulsions brèves utilisant la diffusion Raman des verres de silice comme milieu de gain. Il est connu que cet effet non linéaire permet l’amplification avec une large bande passante et ce dernier est d’ailleurs couramment utilisé aujourd’hui dans les réseaux de télécommunications par fibre optique. Puisque l’adaptation des schémas d’amplification Raman existants aux impulsions brèves de haute énergie n’est pas directe, on propose plutôt un schéma consistant à transférer l’énergie d’une impulsion pompe quasi monochromatique à une impulsion signal brève étirée avec une dérive en fréquence. Afin d’évaluer le potentiel du gain Raman pour l’amplification d’impulsions brèves, ce mémoire présente un modèle analytique permettant de prédire les caractéristiques de l’impulsion amplifiée selon celles de la pompe et le milieu dans lequel elles se propagent. On trouve alors que la bande passante élevée du gain Raman des verres de silice ainsi que sa saturation inhomogène permettent l’amplification d’impulsions signal à une énergie comparable à celle de la pompe tout en conservant une largeur spectrale élevée supportant la compression à des durées très brèves. Quelques variantes du schéma d’amplification sont proposées, et leur potentiel est évalué par l’utilisation du modèle analytique ou de simulations numériques. On prédit analytiquement et numériquement l’amplification Raman d’impulsions à des énergies de quelques millijoules, dont la durée est inférieure à 150 fs et dont la puissance crête avoisine 20 GW.

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La tesi ha ad oggetto la tutela dell’ambiente e il ruolo svolto dal diritto privato. In particolare, si affrontano gli aspetti che caratterizzano il danno all’ambiente e, ancor più nel dettaglio, si fa emergere la dimensione plurioffensiva. Si risolvono alcuni nodi e alcune problematiche che si manifestano in relazione alla legittimazione ad agire per danno all’ambiente e, di conseguenza, si focalizza l’attenzione sull’individuazione delle situazioni giuridiche soggettive ad esso correlate: termini come diritto soggettivo, interessi collettivi, interessi diffusi, legittimazione soggettiva e legittimazione oggettiva costituiscono il leitmotiv dell’indagine. Al fine di poter inquadrare sistematicamente il tema ambientale nella sfera del diritto privato, si analizzano i fondamenti del costituzionalismo e del diritto privato moderno, le ragioni dell’esistenza della dicotomia pubblico-privato e della separazione di interessi ad essa corrispondente. Quest’indagine, contenuta nel primo capitolo della tesi, è necessaria per cogliere le motivazioni della tendenziale estromissione (soprattutto nell’ambito delle categorie civilistiche) degli interessi superindividuali, degli interessi collettivi e dei corpi intermedi che ne sono portatori. Nel secondo capitolo si ripercorre, nell’intervallo temporale che va dagli anni ’70 sino alla fine degli anni ’90, l’evoluzione normativa e le principali teorie relative al danno all’ambiente. L’analisi di questi stessi temi, nel periodo intercorrente tra l’inizio del nuovo Millennio e i giorni nostri, è oggetto di indagine anche del terzo ed ultimo capitolo, in cui l’attenzione si sposta inevitabilmente sulla legislazione europea e sulla tutela multilivello dei diritti. Nelle conclusioni del lavoro, infine, ci si interroga sulla funzione giudiziaria e sulla separazione dei poteri nella gestione del problema ambientale, nonché sulla valenza attuale dei diritti soggettivi e dei diritti fondamentali dell’uomo nel costituzionalismo democratico. In questa sede, si illustra e si propone una dimensione istituzionale del diritto soggettivo, declinato in termini di partecipazione democratica.

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La Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 ne contient aucune disposition expresse concernant un quelconque pouvoir pour les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux de conclure des traités internationaux - ce pouvoir étant réservé, à l'époque de l'adoption de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867, au pouvoir impérial britannique. Aussi, une seule disposition prévoyait les modalités de mise en oeuvre des traités impériaux au sein de la fédération canadienne et cette disposition est aujourd'hui caduque. Puisque l'autonomie du Canada face à l'Empire britannique ne s'est pas accompagnée d'une refonte en profondeur du texte de la constitution canadienne, rien n'a été expressément prévu concernant le droit des traités au sein de la fédération canadienne. Le droit constitutionnel touchant les traités internationaux est donc Ie fruit de la tradition du «constitutionnalisme organique» canadien. Cette thèse examine donc ce type de constitutionnalisme à travers le cas particulier du droit constitutionnel canadien relatif aux traités internationaux. Elle examine ce sujet tout en approfondissant les conséquences juridiques du principe constitutionnel du fédéralisme reconnu par la Cour suprême du Canada dans le Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec, [1998] 2 R.C.S. 217. De manière plus spécifique, cette thèse analyse en détail l’affaire Canada (P.G.) c. Ontario (P. G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (arrêt des conventions de travail) ou le Conseil prive a conclu que si l'exécutif fédéral peut signer et ratifier des traités au nom de l'État canadien, la mise en oeuvre de ces traités devra se faire - lorsqu'une modification législative est nécessaire à cet effet - par le palier législatif compétent sur la matière visée par l'obligation internationale. Le Conseil Prive ne spécifia toutefois pas dans cet arrêt qui a compétence pour conclure des traités relatifs aux matières de compétence provinciale. Cette thèse s'attaque donc à cette question. Elle défend la position selon laquelle aucun principe ou règle de droit constitutionnel canadien ou de droit international n'exige que l'exécutif fédéral ait un pouvoir plénier et exclusif sur la conclusion des traités. Elle souligne de plus que de très importants motifs de politique publique fondes notamment sur les impératifs d'expertise, de fonctionnalité institutionnelle et de démocratie militent à l’encontre d'un tel pouvoir fédéral plénier et exclusif. L'agencement institutionnel des différentes communautés existentielles présentes au Canada exige une telle décentralisation. Cette thèse démontre de plus que les provinces canadiennes sont les seules à posséder un pouvoir constitutionnel de conclure des traités portant sur des domaines relevant de leurs champs de compétence - pouvoir dont elles peuvent cependant déléguer l'exercice au gouvernement fédéral. Enfin, cette thèse analyse de manière systématique et approfondie les arguments invoques au soutien d'un renversement des principes établis par l'arrêt des conventions de travail en ce qui concerne la mise en oeuvre législative des traités relatifs à des matières provinciales et elle démontre leur absence de fondement juridique. Elle démontre par ailleurs que, compte tenu de l'ensemble des règles et principes constitutionnels qui sous-tendent et complètent le sens de cette décision, renverser l’arrêt des conventions de travail aurait pour effet concret de transformer l'ensemble de la fédération canadienne en état quasi unitaire car le Parlement pourrait alors envahir de manière permanente et exclusive l'ensemble des champs de compétence provinciaux. Cette conséquence est assurément interdite par le principe du fédéralisme constitutionnellement enchâssé.

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This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

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This paper analyses the difference between two specific forms of citizens’ involvements, namely whether a vote is cast by ballot or in a citizens’ assembly in which people gather in town halls to decide legislative questions in a deliberative manner. We show both theoretically and empirically how citizens’ assemblies and decisions at the ballot box substantially differ not only in terms of their underlying model of democracy, but also in their structural conditions and, thus, with respect to the social inequality of participation. We test our hypotheses in a Bayesian multilevel framework using real participation data collected from 15 political decisions made in a Swiss commune. Our results show that citizens’ assemblies are not only characterised by lower participation rates, but also by a particular composition of the electorate. While citizens’ assemblies are more equal regarding income groups, ballots favour a more equitable participation in terms of gender and age.

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WI docs. no.: Leg.3:IM/1977/14

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Mode of access: Internet.