878 resultados para Religious freedom
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Key challenges for contemporary neorepublicans are identified and explored. Firstly, the attempt to maintain a sharp line between neorepublicanism and the wider family of liberal–egalitarian political theories is questioned. Secondly, in response to challenges from democratic theorists, it is argued that republicanism needs to effect an appropriate rapprochement with the ideal of collective political autonomy, on which it appears to rely. Thirdly, it is argued that freedom as non-domination draws so heavily on the idea of equal respect that it is hard to maintain that freedom is the sole value grounding the theory. Finally, it is suggested that the consequentialist framework of Pettit’s theory imposes significant limitations on republican social justice. How republican political theorists respond to these challenges will determine whether the neorepublican revival will be seen as enriching contemporary debates about democracy and social justice or as a retreat from more ambitious accounts of freedom and justice.
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The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory.
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In an era of increasing political disenfranchisement, deep economic inequalities and associated social humiliations encountered by the rapidly globalising planet, this paper seeks to chart the current thinking about the paths that civil society need to take in order to achieve distinctive peace. Here commitment as part of the universal cosmopolitan order is critical to go beyond the binaries of religious and cultural differences. The role of dignity, of interdependency, respect and understanding has become all the more critical to sustain hope and life in this age of austerity. The paper argues for an empowered citizenship, based on dignity and respect to think socially towards inclusive development.
Religious actions speak louder than words::exposure to credibilityenhancing displays predicts theism
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One of the central aims of the cognitive science of religion (CSR) is to explain why supernatural agent beliefs are so widespread. A related but distinct aim is to explain why some individuals hold supernatural agent beliefs but others do not. Here, we aim to provide an initial test of the power of exposure to what Henrich calls “credibility enhancing displays” (or “CREDs”) in determining whether or not an individual holds explicit supernatural agent beliefs. We present evidence from two studies of Americans suggesting that exposure to CREDs, as measured by a scale we developed and validated, predicts current theism vs. non-theism, certainty of God’s existence/non-existence, and religiosity while controlling for overall religious socialization. These results are among the first to empirically support the theorized significance of CREDs for the acquisition of supernatural agent beliefs.
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This paper reports on a research project designed to discover what schools are teaching in Religious Education in Northern Ireland and what procedures are in place to maintain standards in the delivery of the subject. A search through literature shows that little research has been carried out to determine what is being taught in Religious Education in Northern Ireland. It also indicates that there are very weak systems of control to measure the effectiveness or quality of what is delivered. A survey of the websites of all Post-Primary schools in the region was used to provide some answers to the basic question of what is being taught in RE. Using content and discourse analysis of these alongside supporting documentary sources (textbooks and exam specifications), it is possible to get a clearer picture of how the Northern Ireland Core Syllabus for Religious Education and any additional curricular elements are delivered in schools. The findings show that a significant minority of schools do not publicly articulate what pupils do in religious education. In situations where the content of religious education is made clear, some definite trends are evident. Despite the existence of a statutory core syllabus, there is significant variation in what is taught in schools. The content is most divergent from the syllabus in relation to the teaching of World Religions at Key Stage 3 and at Key Stage 4 whole elements of the syllabus are neglected due to limited conformity between the syllabus and exam specifications. These results raise important questions about the systems of regulation and control of the subject in the region. In law the subject is exempt from formal inspection by the local inspection authority; instead, a form of inspection is allowed for by the Christian churches who design the syllabus, but it is a process that is either entirely neglected or entirely unreported in situations where it does occur. It is argued that these findings raise questions of more general concern for this and other regions in Europe where the teaching of religious education is largely unregulated. For example, to what extent should states take an interest in what is taught in religious education, how it is delivered, what values it promotes and how standards of teaching and learning in the subject are upheld?
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Most studies examining the relationship between social cleavages and party system fragmentation maintain that higher levels of social diversity lead to greater party system fragmentation. However, most aggregate-level studies focus on one type of social cleavage:ethnic diversity. In order to develop a better understanding of how different cleavages impact electoral competition, this paper considers another type of social cleavage: religious diversity.Contrary to previous literature, higher levels of religious diversity provide incentives for cross-religious cooperation, which in turn reduces party system fragmentation. Using a cross national data set of elections from 1946-2011, the results show that, in contrast to most studies examining the effects of social cleavage diversity on the number of parties, higher religious diversity is associated with lower levels of party system fragmentation.
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Remedios Varo occupies a marginal position in the Surrealist canon, despite her direct involvement with Breton’s circle and in spite of the fact that her work is attributed a universal significance. It has been interpreted as representing a journey towards identity and freedom, a search for female empowerment, and as a spiritual quest. Moreover, critical focus on the mythic/exoteric ‘female’ quest has been to the detriment of the mystical/esoteric significance of the paintings. This article argues that it is in the combination of these strands that Varo’s radicalism might be found. It shows that by presenting a female, spiritual quest for enlightenment—which exists apart from a traditionally male-dominated, western religious schema—Varo circumvented her ordained role within the artistic, spiritual, and political communities of which she was a part.
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In cases involving unionization of graduate student research and teaching assistants at private U.S. universities, the National Labor Relations Board has, at times, denied collective bargaining rights on the presumption that unionization would harm faculty-student relations and academic freedom. Using survey data collected from PhD students in five academic disciplines across eight public U.S. universities, the authors compare represented and non-represented graduate student employees in terms of faculty-student relations, academic freedom, and pay. Unionization does not have the presumed negative effect on student outcomes, and in some cases has a positive effect. Union-represented graduate student employees report higher levels of personal and professional support, unionized graduate student employees fare better on pay, and unionized and nonunionized students report similar perceptions of academic freedom. These findings suggest that potential harm to faculty-student relationships and academic freedom should not continue to serve as bases for the denial of collective bargaining rights to graduate student employees.
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Tese de doutoramento, História («Impérios, Colonialismo e Pós-Colonialismo»), Universidade de Lisboa, ISCTE - Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, Universidade Católica Portuguesa e Universidade de Évora, 2014