887 resultados para Labor unions -- Political activity -- Book reviews.
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Very little has been written on charitable laws in Fiji to date. Most of the organisations in Fiji seek incorporation under the pre-independence legislation dealing with charities, the Charitable Trusts Act (Cap 67). This Act is the basis of this paper. The key provisions of the Act are discussed in this paper. Recently serious questions have been raised on the status of charitable bodies with the de-registration of one of the registered charities (the Citizens’ Constitutional Forum (CCF)) for political activity. This paper also provides an insight into the CCF ‘saga’, which goes to the ‘heart’ of the Act and examines the serious questions that are raised in interpreting the provisions in the Act. In the concluding part, various issues of reform in the charity sphere are also proposed.
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One of the key trends that we currently witness not only in academic circles but also in industry - all throughout Australia at least – is that “Innovation” is becoming an important driver for business projects, for change agendas – and in turn, for Business Process Management initiatives.
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By 2012 mobile devices had become the main interface for people to access information about anything from their current GPS position to the latest book reviews. What was less accessible were tools and techniques for writers to leverage this new technology to construct and distribute located stories. This project began with a series of master classes for local Brisbane writers to demonstrate processes and techniques for imagining, constructing and distributing stories. Most significantly, this project equipped writers with how to identify and adopt various mobile services and applications to research, produce and deliver packaged multi-modal content for readers to access and experience stories in the very locations from which they were inspired. Four stories by four writers were selected to be developed and published as location-based events in four different neighbourhoods across Brisbane. These writers were mentored throughout the writing process and a model was developed for them to simply upload several multi-modal chapters for access on location by readers using QR codes. These activities culminated in a major 25 day event presented by Brisbane City Council and supported by Brisbane Writers Festival and Queensland Writers Centre. The 'Street Reads' event presented the four stories on location in Cannon Hill, Darra, Toowong and West End. The significance of the Street Reads project went beyond extending the capacity for writers to access mobile technologies as a new platform for distributing stories. This event also motivated readers to travel to neighbourhoods to experience them in ways that had not previously imagined possible. These located stories were fictionalisations of actual events and characters that have current and historic importance to these places. These histories are hidden from view and yet can provide locals and visitors with a new found appreciation for the past and set an example for how neighbourhoods can become active stages for the sharing of stories inspiring a deeper connection with each other and an agency for participating in the development of the identity of the local places they inhabit together. Due to the success of the project and by employing more advanced tools now available, Street reads has been further developed by Brisbane City Council and is now available as a the Story City App available for download at itunes.
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In an essay, "The Books of Last Things", Delia Falconer discusses the emergence of a new genre in publishing - microhistories. She cites a number of recent titles in non-fiction and fiction - Longitude, Cod, Tulips, Pushkin's Button, Nathaniel's Nutmeg, Zarafa, The Surgeon of Crowthorne, The Potato, The Perfect Storm. Delia Falconer observes of this tradition: "One has the sense, reading these books, of a surprising weight, of pleasant shock. In part, it is because we are looking at things which are generally present around us, but modestly out of sight and mind - historical nitty gritty like cod, potatoes, longitudinal clocks - which the authors have thrust suddenly, like a Biblical visitation of frogs or locusts, in our face. Things like spice and buttons and clocks are generally seen to enable history on the large scale, but are not often viewed as its worthy subjects. And by the same grand logic of history, more unusual phenomena like cabinets of curiosities or glass-making or farm lore or sailors' knots are simply odd blips on its radar screen, interesting footnotes. These new books, microhistories, reverse the usual order of history, which argues from the general to the particular, in order to prove its inevitable progress. They start from the footnotes. But by reversing the process, and walking through the back door of history, you don't necessarily end up at the front of the same house." Delia Falconer speculates about the reasons for the popularity of microhistories. She concludes: "I would like to think that reading them is not simply an exercise in nostalgia, but a challenge to the present". In Mauve, Simon Garfield provides a new way of thinking and writing about the history of intellectual property. Instead of providing a grand historical narrative of intellectual property, he tells the story of a particular invention, and its exploitation. Simon Garfield relates how English chemist William Perkin accidentally discovered a way to mass-produce colour mauve in a factory. Working on a treatment for malaria in his London home laboratory, Perkin failed to produce artificial quinine. Instead he created a dark oily sludge that turned silk a beautiful light purple. The colour was unique and became the most desirable shade in the fashion houses of Paris and London. ... The book Mauve will have a number of contemporary resonances for intellectual property lawyers and academics. Simon Garfield emphasizes the difficulties inherent in commercialising an invention and managing intellectual property. He investigates the uneasy collaboration between industry and science. Simon Garfield suggests that complaints about the efficacy of patent offices are perennial. He also highlights the problems faced by courts and law-makers in accommodating new technologies within the logic of patent law. In his elegant microhistory of the colour mauve, Simon Garfield confirms the conclusion of Brad Sherman and Lionel Bently that many aspects of modern intellectual property law can only be understood through an understanding of the past: "The image of intellectual property law that developed during the 19th century and the narrative of identity which this engendered played and continue to play an important role in the way we think about and understand intellectual property law".
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Tuure Junnila, PhD (1910-1999) was one of Finland's most renowned conservative politicians of the post-war period. Junnila is remembered primarily as a persistent opponent of Urho Kekkonen, a long-term Member of Parliament, a conspicuous opposition member and a prolific political writer. Junnila's ideologies and political views were conservative, and he is one of the most outstanding figures in the history of the National Coalition Party. Junnila also made an extensive career outside of politics, first as an economist and then as an executive of Finland's leading commercial bank Kansallis-Osake-Pankki. The Young Conservative is a partial biography written using traditional historical research methods, which examines Junnila's personal history and his activity in public life up to 1956. The study begins by investigating Junnila's background through his childhood, school years, university studies and early professional career. It also looks at Junnila's work as an economist and practical banker. Particular attention is paid to Junnila's political work, constantly focusing on the following five often overlapping areas: (1) economic policy, (2) domestic policy, (3) foreign and security policy, (4) Junnila and Urho Kekkonen, (5) Junnila, the Coalition Party and Finnish conservatism. In his economic policy, Junnila emphasised the importance of economic stability, opposed socialisation and the growth of public expenditure, defended the free market system and private entrepreneurship, and demanded tax cuts. This policy was very popular within the Coalition Party during the early 1950s, making Junnila the leading conservative economic politician of the time. In terms of domestic policy, Junnila demanded as early as the 1940s that a "third force" should be established in Finland to counterbalance the agrarian and labour parties by uniting conservative and liberal ideologies under the same roof. Foreign and security policy is the area of Junnila's political activity which is most clearly situated after the mid-1950s. However, Junnila's early speeches and writings already show a striving towards the unconditional neutrality modelled by Switzerland and Sweden and a strong emphasis on Finland's right to internal self-determination. Junnila, as did the Coalition Party as a whole, adopted a consistently critical approach towards Urho Kekkonen between 1951 and 1956, but this attitude was not as bluntly negative and all-round antagonistic as many previous studies have implied. Junnila was one of the leading Finnish conservatives of the early 1950s and in all essence his views were analogous to the general alignment of the Coalition Party at the time: conservative in ideology and general policy, and liberal in economic policy.
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[Excerpt] It has been 10 years since the report on full participation. In preparation for the 2005 AFL-CIO Convention, the AFL-CIO, under the direction of the Executive Council’s Civil and Human Rights Committee, initiated a study to consider what other steps can be taken to address the underrepresentation of people of color in union leadership. It is hoped that this report will serve as a complement to a similar report on working women that was submitted to the Executive Council by the Executive Council’s Working Women’s Committee in March 2004, entitled, “Overcoming Barriers to Women in Organizing and Leadership.”
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[Excerpt] On the job and in public policy, working women want changes that will strengthen families and build respect for work. Working women are deeply and increasingly concerned about health care and retirement security, as well as equal pay and equal opportunity. Concern about health care has surged in the past year. These are among the findings of the Ask a Working Woman Survey 2002, conducted for the AFL-CIO by Lake Snell Perry & Associates. This survey is the third in a series designed to examine the pressures faced by working women and the solutions they seek in their workplaces and through legislation. This report is part of a yearlong national project that included a field survey of nearly 20,000 working women across the country, from which the quotes appearing in this report are taken.
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Temple Ohabei Shalom was founded on February 26, 1843 by several Boston Jewish families, and is the first synagogue established in Massachusetts. After meeting in the homes of both a founding congregant and the first elected Rabbi, Abraham Saling, Ohabei Shalom dedicated its first building on Warren (now Warrenton) Street in Boston in 1852. In 1855, the German Jewish congregants left Ohabei Shalom and founded Congregation Adath Israel (now Temple Israel in Boston.) The Polish Jewish congregants maintained the name Ohabei Shalom and the cemetery land in East Boston. In 1858, East Prussian Jews also left the congregation, forming Die Israelitische Gemeinde Mishkan Israel (now Miskhan Tefila in Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts.) This collection contains flyers, programs and tickets for events as well as copies of bulletins and newsletters, such as Brotherhood Bulletin, Stars and Stripes, Temple Bulletin and Temple Tidings.
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This edition of the International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies marks the tenth since the journal’s launch in 2008. During that time, over forty articles and eleven book reviews have been published, which is testament to the continuing upward trajectory of Critical Indigenous Studies. Although there continues to be an increasing range of areas of Indigenous research to which a critical focus is brought to bear, a consistent issue for many of the journal’s contributors has been the delineation and application of Indigenous methods and methodologies in social research. The present edition is no exception, with two articles focussing on Indigenous-centred research. The first, by Krystal Summers, reflexively explores the author’s experiences as an undergraduate student undertaking Indigenous-centred research in Peru. As an Indigenous First Nations woman, Summers was mindful that her research practice was faithful to the ethics and protocols outlined in her original project proposal. Her subsequent ‘journey of critical reflexive understanding and storytelling’ supports the proposition of current literature in Indigenous research methodologies that a properly critical Indigenous ethnography will naturally enjoin with Indigenous epistemologies and methodologies.
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Can war be justified? Expressions of opinions by the general assemblies of the World Council of Churches on the question of war as a method of settling conflicts. The purpose of this study is to describe and analyse the expressions of opinions recorded in the documents of the general assemblies of the WCC during the Cold War period from 1948 to 1983 on the use of war as a method of settling international and national conflicts. The main sources are the official reports of the WCC´s assemblies during the years 1948 to 1983. This study divides the discussions into three periods. The first period (1949-1968) is dominated by the pressures arising from the Second World War. Experiences of the war led the assemblies of the WCC to the conclusion that modern warfare as a method of settling conflicts should be rejected. Modern war was contrary to God´s purposes and the whole meaning of creation, said the assembly. Although the WCC rejected modern war, it left open the possibility of conflict where principles of just war may be practised. The question of war was also linked to the state and its function, which led to the need to create a politically neutral doctrine for the socio-ethical thinking of churches and of the WCC itself. The doctrine was formulated using the words "responsible society". The question of war and socio-ethical thinking were on the WCC`s agenda throughout the first period. Another issue that had an influence on the first period was the increasing role of Third World countries. This new dimension also brought new aspects to the question of war and violence. The second period (1968-1975) presented greater challenges to the WCC, especially in traditional western countries. The Third World, political activity in the socialist world and ideas of revolution were discussed. The WCC`s fourth Assembly in Uppsala was challenged by these new ideas of revolution. The old doctrine of "responsible society" was seen by many participants as unsuitable in the modern world, especially for Third World countries. The situation of a world governed by armaments, causing social and economic disruption, was felt by churches to be problematic. The peace movement gathered pace and attention. There was pressure to see armed forces as an option on the way to a new world order. The idea of a just war was challenged by that of just revolution. These ideas of revolution did not receive support from the Uppsala Assembly, but they pressured the WCC to reconsider its socio-ethical thinking. Revolution was seen as a possibility, but only when it could be peaceful. In the Nairobi Assembly the theme of just, participatory and sustainable society provided yet another viewpoint, dealing with the life of the world and its problems as a whole. The third period (1975-1983) introduced a new, alternative doctrine the "JPIC Process", justice, peace and the integrity of creation for social thinking in the WCC. The WCC no longer wanted to discuss war or poverty as separate questions, but wanted to combine all aspects of life to see the impact of an arms-governed world on humankind. Thus, during the last period, discussions focused on socio-ethical questions, where war and violence were only parts of a larger problem. Through the new JPIC Process, the WCC`s Assembly in Vancouver looked for a new world, one without violence, in all aspects of life. Despite differing opinions in socio-ethical thinking, the churches in the WCC agreed that modern warfare cannot be regarded as acceptable or just. The old idea of a "just war" still had a place, but it was not seen by all as a valid principle. As a result the WCC viewed war as a final solution to be employed when all other methods had failed. Such a war would have to secure peace and justice for all. In the discussions there was a strong political east-west divide, and, during the last two decades, a north-south divide as well. The effect of the Cold War was obvious. In the background to the theological positions were two main concepts namely the idea of God´s activity in man´s history through the so-called regiments and, the concept of the Kingdom of God on Earth.
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In my master's thesis I explore the political significance of logging in Papua New Guinea (PNG). In commercial logging the post-colonial state of PNG, its local communities, transnational companies and non-governmental organizations come interestingly together. The central research questions are what forms of political awareness and mobilization does commercial logging bring up in the small scale communities and how – if at all – does logging change the relationship between these communities and the state of PNG. The thesis is based on three months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2007 in a village located in the East New Britain province of PNG. The village, inhabited mainly by the Mengen people, was an interesting case, because logging operations had been conducted in the area with the permission of the people, while on the other hand some villagers had formed a conservation association of their own. Parliamentary elections were also held in PNG during the time of my fieldwork. During my stay in the village I took part in the village life and conducted interviews. In addition to this, much of my material is based on informal discussions with people. On my way to and from the village I also interviewed several Papua New Guinean NGO-workers in the national and provincial capitals. In my thesis I show that environmental conservation in the village is part of a larger attempt to protect local autonomy, culture and the environment, i.e. it is a ”localistic” movement. Locals supporting conservation, as well as those supporting logging, take actively part in national parliamentary as well as local level politics. In my thesis I have attempted to unpack the notion of ”local” by examining internal power relations of the community and describing various lines of thought and opinions that base on local cultural values. Along with this, commercial logging seems also to elicit the role of the state in two-fold way in East New Britain. On the one hand, the government seeks to use logging roads built by logging companies as the basis of its own national infrastructure, even though the company roads are often of manifestably poor quality and short-lived. On the other hand, problems caused by logging, such as land disputes, create a need among local communities for the state and its services. Central themes in my thesis are the local values invested in the environment, as well as the ways in which the locals produce their environment both conceptually as well as physically. As subsistence farmers the locals depend economically on the condition of their environment. However, the value of the environment goes beyond economical questions. For example, the environment holds proof of the history of the community. Conversely, also the state and companies attempt to conceptualize, modify and administer the environment. This is done through processes such as mapping and road building, both crucial political questions in East New Britain. Here the anthropological discussion about space and place, as well as political geography are central. The diverse ways of conceptualizing the environment, as well as logging, cause often disputes about the ownership of land areas. Because of this I discuss local ways of holding the land communally, as well as PNG's land legislation and ways of dispute management. Land tenure and disputes are political questions that the locals have to deal with and in some cases these questions also create a need for the judiciary system of the state. The disputes affect also political activity, which I discuss at some length in my thesis as well. Interestingly, the locals, regardless of their political views and affiliations, establish transnational connections ranging from NGOs to government departments and multinational companies.
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Resumen: Entre fines de agosto de 1943 y septiembre de 1945, numerosos opositores al régimen militar vigente en la Argentina se exiliaron en Montevideo. Ellos pertenecían a diversos partidos políticos unidos por un fuerte rechazo y condena al régimen político autoritario. Desarrollaron una prolífica actividad política e intelectual a través de dos organizaciones, Patria Libre y Asociación de Mayo, desde las cuales publicaban respectivamente Pueblo Argentino y Voz Argentina. Si bien los principales opositores al régimen militar que se exiliaron desarrollaron diversas actividades políticas y periodísticas, aún no se han producido estudios detallados sobre las mismas. Teniendo en cuenta la ausencia de conocimiento al respecto, en este artículo presentamos un análisis preliminar sobre el exilio de estos políticos en el Uruguay en el período 1943-1955. En particular, nuestro objetivo específico consiste en analizar todos los artículos que Luciano Molinas, Nicolás Repetto, Santiago Nudelman y José Aguirre Cámara publicaron en Voz Argentina para reflexionar sobre cómo estos actores se percibían a sí mismos frente al gobierno militar argentino y cómo conceptualizaban los fenómenos políticos que ocurrían en su país
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Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar las estrategias de las organizaciones socialdemócratas frente a los nuevos desafíos que surgieron con la crisis del petróleo y la aparición de los llamados “valores posmateriales”. Se profundizará en una de las principales: el aumento de la actividad política trasnacional y la creación de comisiones que trabajaron aspectos relacionados con el desarrollo, la seguridad, el armamentismo nuclear y el medio ambiente. Estas comisiones no solo constituyeron un importante cambio frente a las tradiciones precedentes, también influyeron significativamente los desarrollos posteriores en dichas materias
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Discute o problema da relação entre fé religiosa e participação cidadã na atividade política. Em seguida analisa alguns elementos que moldam o atual contexto brasileiro.