Do Multiculturalism Policies Erode the Welfare State (Working Paper 33)

The past 30 years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way Western democracies deal with ethnic minorities. In the past, ethnic diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and minorities were subject to a range of policies intended to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, many Western democracies have adopted a more accommodating approach. This is reflected in the widespread adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and selfgovernment rights for indigenous peoples. We refer to these policies as “multiculturalism policies” or MCPs. The adoption of MCPs has been controversial, for two reasons. The first is a philosophical critique, which argues that MCPs are inherently inconsistent with basic liberal-democratic principles. Since the mid-1990s, however, this philosophical debate has been supplemented by a second argument: namely, that MCPs make it more difficult to sustain a robust Welfare State (hereafter WS). Critics worry that such policies erode the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain a strongly redistributive WS. This paper reviews the reasons why critics believe that MCPs weaken political support for redistribution, and then examines empirically whether the adoption of MCPs has, in fact, been associated with erosion of the WS. This examination involves two steps: we develop a taxonomy of MCPs and classify Western democracies as “strong”, “modest” or “weak” in their level of MCPs. We then examine whether the strength of MCPs is associated with the erosion of the WS during the 1980s and 1990s. The evolution of the WS is measured through change in four indicators: social spending as a percentage of GDP; the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers; levels of child poverty; and the level of income inequality. We find no evidence of a consistent relationship between the adoption of MCPs and the erosion of the WS. Our analysis has limits, and we hope it stimulates further research. Nevertheless, the preliminary evidence presented here is clear: the case advanced by critics of MCPs is not supported. The growing ethnic diversity of Western societies has generated pressures for the construction of new and more inclusive forms of citizenship and national identity. The evidence in this paper suggests that debates over the appropriateness of multiculturalism policies as one response to this diversity should not be pre-empted by unsupported fears about their impact on the WS.

El Estado legislando, relevando, mapeando. Una etnografía de la implementación del Programa de Relevamiento Territorial de Comunidades Indígenas en Salta (Argentina)

Tomando como punto de partida mi colaboración en la recolección y la sistematización de datos vinculados al relevamiento territorial en distintas comunidades guaraníes del noroeste salteño, en apoyo al Programa de Relevamiento Territorial de Comunidades Indígenas (Re.Te.CI) y en el marco de la Ley de Emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad comunitaria indígena (Ley 26.160), el presente artículo describe y analiza distintos momentos de la implementación del programa. Fundamentalmente, exploro las formas particulares que el mismo asumió en la provincia de Salta focalizándome en el Departamento General San Martín, siendo esta la región de mayor diversidad étnica de la provincia. Inspirada en la propuesta de Ferguson y Gupta (2002) de pensar al Estado como “una experiencia vivida” utilizo materiales etnográficos de tres comunidades indígenas donde se aplicó el programa de relevamiento territorial y me centro en una de ellas para pensar las formas que adopta la relación entre el Estado y los pueblos indígenas.

Al rescate de la niñez indígena. Refl exiones antropológicas a partir de una campaña de UNICEF Argentina

En este trabajo abordaremos, desde una perspectiva antropológica, la “campaña por los derechos de la niñez y la adolescencia indígena” lanzada por UNICEF Argentina en 2009, con el fin de problematizar las construcciones de niñez, de la cuestión indígena y de la noción de “derechos” que allí se ponen en juego. Distanciándonos de concepciones ontológicas sobre los derechos humanos, analizaremos esta campaña en tanto dispositivo cuyo efecto es la construcción de los niños indígenas como sujetos de derechos de maneras específi cas. Para ello, indagamos en el modo en que fue ésta elaborada, así como en sus contenidos, procurando explicar qué derechos y qué representaciones de los niños indígenas se visibilizaron a través de ella y las tensiones suscitadas en su proceso de armado y presentación.

Profesionales de la educación en la Hispania romana

La epigrafía latina nos ha legado el recuerdo de doce docentes y un grupo de maestros de escuela en Hispania. Los diferentes textos, la mayoría de carácter funerario y procedente del ámbito urbano, nos aportan información acerca de las funciones que estos profesionales desempeñaron en la sociedad hispana, así como del contexto socio-jurídico del que provenían. En este sentido, la pieza más valiosa es la inscripción dedicada a un gramático llamado L. Memmius Probus en la antigua Tritium Magallum, gracias a la cual conocemos las circunstancias concretas en las que trabajó este educador.

Prensa escrita mendocina y construcción identitaria sobre los pueblos originarios de Argentina

En el siguiente trabajo presentamos un estudio multidimensional sobre la conceptualización de los pueblos originarios que han constituido los medios de prensa escrita en Mendoza durante la primera década del siglo XX. Para llevarlo a cabo acudimos al Archivo de Hemeroteca de la Biblioteca General San Martín de la Ciudad de Mendoza, teniendo como referencia al Diario Los Andes, principal periódico de la provincia, creado en 1882 y vigente en la actualidad. El objetivo del estudio es la identificación de las distintas formas de construcción conceptual sobre los pueblos etnográficos del actual territorio argentino que difundió dicho diario, y del modo en que dichos artículos periodísticos jugaron un rol activo en relación con el proceso de construcción de alteridad sociocultural y la legitimación de las políticas etnocidas implementadas por las clases dominantes.

Commentary on the Stationers' Royal Charter 1557

Royal Charter providing the Company of Stationers with corporate legal status within the City of London, and conferring on them exclusive control over printing within England. The grant of the Charter ensured that the Company's licensing procedures became the standard by which members of the book trade secured the right to print and publish literary works, giving rise to what is generally referred to as ‘stationers' copyright'.
The grant of the Charter by Mary is often understood as the point at which the monarchy established an effective regulatory institution to control and censure the press, in the guise of the Stationers' Company, in exchange for an absolute monopoly over the production of printed works. In fact, the commentary suggests that censorship of the press throughout the Tudor period remained an essentially ad hoc and reactive phenomenon, and that both Mary and Elizabeth relied, not primarily upon the Company of Stationers, but on the use of statutory instruments and royal proclamations to censure heretical and treasonous texts.

Home on a care order: who the children are and what the care order is for

Compared to children in other placements, there is much less known about the characteristics and needs of children in the UK who are returned to their birth parents with a care order still in place. That is in spite of evidence to suggest they face more difficulties than young people in other placements. Based on a 2009 census of looked after children in Northern Ireland, just under 10% (n = 193) were found to be living at home under a care order. Case file reviews were conducted for a quarter of these young people (n = 47) to generate descriptive statistics showing a very diverse population. That was followed by semi-structured interviews with members of eight families (ten children and eight birth parent/s), providing transcripts for thematic analysis. Nearly half of the young people whose case files were reviewed had experienced at least one home placement breakdown, but nearly two thirds had a stable last home placement. Care orders appeared to serve two functions: to give legal authority to social services for the monitoring of placements, and to facilitate family access to family support services. Replacing some care orders with supervision orders might better align legal status and actual function.

Introduction: dispersed minorities and non-territorial autonomy

The concept of non-territorial autonomy gives rise to at least two important questions: the range of functional areas over which autonomy extends, and the extent to which this autonomy is indeed non-territorial. A widely used early description significantly labelled this ‘national cultural autonomy’, implying that its focus is mainly on cultural matters, such as language, religion, education and family law. In many of the cases that are commonly cited, ‘autonomy’ may not even extend this far: its most visible expression is the existence of separate electoral registers or quotas for the various groups. Part of the dilemma lies in the difficulty of devolving substantial power on a non-territorial basis: to the extent that devolved institutions are state-like, they ideally require a defined territory. Ethnic groups, however, vary in the extent to which they are territorially concentrated, and therefore in the degree to which any autonomous arrangements for them are territorial or non-territorial. This article explores the dilemma generated by this tension between ethnic geography (pattern of ethnic settlement) and political autonomy (degree of selfrule), and introduces a set of case studies where the relationship between these two features is discussed further: the Ottoman empire and its successor states, the Habsburg monarchy, the Jewish minorities of Europe, interwar Estonia, contemporary Belgium, and two indigenous peoples, the Sa´mi in Norway and the Maori in New Zealand.

Conclusion: patterns of non-territorial autonomy

This article seeks to generalise about the significance of non-territorial autonomy as a mechanism for the management of ethnic conflict on the basis of a set of case studies covering the Ottoman empire and its successor states, the Habsburg monarchy, the Jewish minorities of Europe, interwar Estonia, contemporary Belgium, and two indigenous peoples, the Sami in Norway and Maori in New Zealand. It begins by assessing the extent to which the spatial distribution of ethnonational communities determined the range of autonomy options available—whether these might be territorial or whether only non-territorial autonomy would be realistic. The article continues with an assessment of the significance of ‘autonomy’ in circumstances where the institutions with which it is associated enjoy a non-territorial rather than a territorial writ. It concludes by suggesting that in almost all cases where autonomy is extended to a minority within a state this is exercised on a territorial basis, and that in many cases of non-territorial autonomy, or national–cultural autonomy, the powers assumed by the ‘autonomous’ institutions are substantially symbolic. It argues that notwithstanding the limited empirical evidence for the existence of non-territorial autonomy, this device should not be written off at a normative level.

La interseccionalidad en la política identitaria de los Indígenas Evangélicos Ecuatorianos

En este trabajo se analiza el movimiento indígena evangélico ecuatoriano con énfasis particular enlas tensiones entre etnicidad y religión en contextos de movilización política en la provincia deChimborazo. Una provincia que ha sido una fortaleza tradicional tanto de la Iglesia Católica comoposteriormente de las Iglesias Evangélicas, lo que ha contribuido a la excepcionalidad de la provinciay asimismo ha animado la formación de diferentes movimientos políticos. El enfoque principal de esteanálisis es la Federación Ecuatoriana de Indígenas Evangélicos/FEINE y su brazo electoral AmautaJatari, así como sus complejas relaciones con el más amplio movimiento indígena. Teórica ymetodológicamente, el artículo se apoya en ideas de Interseccionalidad, se integran dentro de unmarco analítico sociológico-politológico. Se justifica esta integración analítica por su valor para laapertura de posibilidades de problematización del tema, sino también para comprender la complejamezcla identitaria que influye en las lógicas colectivas e individuales en la sociedad.

Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions? : Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?

A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

O Estado e o Associativismo Profissional e Sindical dos Assistentes Sociais em Portugal: trajetória e perspetivas atuais

Este estudo exploratório, de caráter descritivo, tem como objetivos compreender a relação do Estado com a organização profissional dos assistentes sociais nas diferentes conjunturas sócio-históricas da trajetória da profissão; conhecer o contributo do associativismo sindical e profissional para a organização dos assistentes sociais em Portugal; caraterizar as diversas formas de associativismo profissional e sindical dos profissionais de Serviço Social e compreender a importância da regulação profissional para a categoria. Na trajetória do Serviço Social no nosso país, identificámos várias estruturas associativas desde os anos 50 do século XX. Apesar dessa diversidade ao nível da organização profissional, nos últimos anos tem sido o projeto de constituição da ordem o que tem congregado os profissionais de Serviço Social, embora de forma fragmentada. Em Portugal não existe um estatuto jurídico de regulação da profissão de assistente social, sendo do interesse dos profissionais, utentes e sociedade que o mesmo seja efetivado. A criação de uma ordem profissional poderá vir a fortalecer o trabalho dos profissionais de Serviço Social, bem como proteger e regulamentar o exercício profissional e a formação académica. Com a erosão do Estado Social, as relações de trabalho tendem a ser desregulamentadas e flexibilizadas, subsistindo a precariedade e o desemprego. O enfrentamento a estas questões por parte do movimento associativo é ténue e a sua não articulação fragiliza a proteção dos profissionais, como indiciam a subsistente ausência da constituição da ordem profissional e a extinção do Sindicato Nacional de Profissionais de Serviço Social, apesar do ressurgimento do associativismo sindical durante o presente ano (2013). As condições atuais diferem das existentes aquando do processo de obtenção da licenciatura e estruturação e implementação das carreiras profissionais de Serviço Social que potenciaram e galvanizaram os assistentes sociais. A categoria profissional apresenta-se desmobilizada e com pouco poder reivindicativo, e as associações profissionais e sindicais vivem com constrangimentos financeiros, funcionando em regime de voluntariado, o que denota a insipiência da sua estrutura organizativa. A atual conjuntura justificaria uma maior convergência, debate e processos de resistência por parte das estruturas associativas face ao agravamento de políticas baseadas na austeridade, que têm reflexos no mercado de trabalho, formação e organização profissional. Parece justificar-se a existência de estratégias articuladas com maior clareza sobre o projeto para a categoria, apostando num debate que se faça com os seus diversos intervenientes. Desta forma, o associativismo poderá constituir uma alavanca que confira maior dinamismo às suas estruturas organizacionais, maior visibilidade e presença pública da categoria, mas também uma maior solidez das suas organizações, que não sendo corporativas ou elitistas, salientem o primado da ética do serviço sobre a ética do ganho. / This descriptive exploratory study aims to understand the relationship between the State and the professional organisation of the social workers in the different social-historical situations of the profession course; to know the contribute of the unions and professional membership drive to the organisation of the social workers in Portugal; to characterise the several ways of the social workers’ professional and union membership drive and to understand the importance of the professional regulation for the area. In the Social Service trajectory in our country, we have identified several associative structures since the 1950s. Despite this diversity concerning the professional organisation, the project of constituting the professional order has been responsible for the social workers’ congregation in the past years, although in a fragmented way. In Portugal, there is not a legal status of regulation of the social workers’ profession, and it is of the interest of the professionals, users and society that this may be brought about. The creation of a professional order may strengthen the activity of the social workers, as well as it may protect and regulate the profession exercise and the university education. With the Social State’s erosion, the work relationships tend to be deregulated and softened, persisting the job insecurity and the unemployment. The associative movement does not strongly face these issues, and its non-articulation weakens the professionals’ protection, as the permanent absence of the professional order creation and the extinction of the National Social Workers Union show, despite the reappearance of the union membership drive during the present year (2013). The current conditions are not equal to the ones existent in the process of obtaining the university degree and the structuring and implementing of professional careers in the Social Service area, which have strengthened and galvanised the social workers. The professional category is not mobilised and it has few claimable power; the professional and unions’ associations live with financial problems, functioning in a volunteering regime, which shows the insipience of its organisation structure. The current situation would justify a bigger convergence, debate and resistance processes on behalf of the associative structures regarding the worsening of policies based on austerity – this has consequences in the work market, training and professional organisation. It seems to be pertinent the existence of strategies articulated in a clearer way about the project for this professional area, investing in a debate among its several participants. Therefore, the professional membership drive may constitute a lever that can give more dynamism to its organisational structures, a bigger visibility and public presence of the area, but also a stronger solidity in its organisations which, being not corporative or elitist, may highlight the service’s ethics over the profit’s ethics.

Competing "Host" Discourses: Appropriation of Australian Aboriginal Culture in the Tourism Borderzones

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

Learning from one another: evaluating the impact of horizontal knowledge exchange for environmental management and governance

There is increasing advocacy for inclusive community-based approaches to environmental management, and growing evidence that involving communities improves the sustainability of social-ecological systems. Most community-based approaches rely on partnerships and knowledge exchange between communities, civil society organizations, and professionals such as practitioners and/or scientists. However, few models have actively integrated more horizontal knowledge exchange from community to community. We reflect on the transferability of community owned solutions between indigenous communities by exploring challenges and achievements of community peer-to-peer knowledge exchange as a way of empowering communities to face up to local environmental and social challenges. Using participatory visual methods, indigenous communities of the North Rupununi (Guyana) identified and documented their community owned solutions through films and photostories. Indigenous researchers from this community then shared their solutions with six other communities that faced similar challenges within Guyana, Suriname, Venezuela, Colombia, French Guiana, and Brazil. They were supported by in-country civil society organizations and academics. We analyzed the impact of the knowledge exchange through interviews, field reports, and observations. Our results show that indigenous community members were significantly more receptive to solutions emerging from, and communicated by, other indigenous peoples, and that this approach was a significant motivating force for galvanizing communities to make changes in their community. We identified a range of enabling factors, such as building capacity for a shared conceptual and technical understanding, that strengthens the exchange between communities and contributes to a lasting impact. With national and international policy-makers mobilizing significant financial resources for biodiversity conservation and climate change mitigation, we argue that the promotion of community owned solutions through community peer-to-peer exchange may deliver more long-lasting, socially and ecologically integrated, and investment-effective strategies compared to top-down, expert led, and/or foreign-led initiatives.

"We Bring Love" Les discours sur l'autochtonéité au sein du mouvement Healing Our Spirit Worldwide

La présente recherche porte sur Healing Our Spirit Worldwide (HOSW), un mouvement autochtone de guérison international. Les rassemblements HOSW, qui se déroulent à un intervalle variable dans différents pays, sont des lieux de célébration de la résilience des peuples autochtones et contribuent à l’émergence d’un sentiment de communauté et de solidarité entre les participants. Une description brève du mouvement, notamment vis-à-vis de son historique, son mandat et sa structure, est complétée par l’exemple du sixième rassemblement qui s’est déroulé à Honolulu, Hawai’i en septembre 2010. Celui-ci est mis à profit pour illustrer plus clairement la nature du mouvement et mettre en relief les discours des conférenciers lors de cet événement sur les thèmes de la guérison et de l’autochtonéité qui sont au cœur des intentions de recherche. La recherche met en lumière la dimension relationnelle de la guérison et de l’autochtonéité telles qu’elles sont décrites au sein du mouvement HOSW.