Mestrado profissional em saúde da família: o curso sob a perspectiva dos mestrandos

Professional masters were created in Brazil in the 1990s in response to social changes in the world of work and aim to train high-level professionals with own profile for various activities of society and the productive sector. They are up in more innovative mode of graduate studies in Brazil, and therefore lack of legitimacy of their identity, which raises the need for discussions to get further information and outline the characteristics of this postgraduate modality. You want to build new understandings about their peculiarities starting from the perspective of students from the Professional Masters in Health Net Northeast Family Training in Family Health, and not only according to the similarities and differences with the academic master. This study aims to understand the meanings attributed by masters training in that course. This is a qualitative, exploratory study. The subjects are 100 students in training in 2013, distributed among the six institutions nucleation Network Northeast Training in Family Health. To collect information desk research was conducted in institutional records of all students, as well as interviews. We interviewed 15 students, distributed in the six nucleation institutions. Information obtained through recorded interviews were transcribed and resulted in two analytical corpus subsequently submitted to Alceste © 4.9 software for identification of semantic classes. It can be concluded that the course provided a redefinition of professional practices in the Family Health Strategy, considering the organizational context of primary care in the Northeast and the specifics of the health work. Even before the student body difficulties related to ownership of research methods, and the very active methodology of problem-based learning, the course effectively contributed to the improvement of work processes in primary care, valuing teamwork and allowing the acquisition of new scientific knowledge.

Aplicação da democracia deliberativa como mecanismo de efetivação do direito fundamental a uma administração pública proba

This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study still has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to effect the Fundamental Right to Public Administration proba, efficient and honest. Thus, to achieve this mister, the proposal is to expose the pesamento the classic contractualist, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. After, it will be studied the theories of Fundamental Rights in order to demonstrate the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific custody rights, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due, especially, corruption. On the other side, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, which, to join a deliberative governance program needs to be politicized, adopting full participation, dialogue, as duty citizen. Furthermore, taking as most heart, will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas, whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of the government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study also has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to actualize the Fundamental Right to a just, efficient and honest Public Administration. Thus, to achieve this necessity, the proposal is to expose the thought of the classic contractualist thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well as how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. Later on, the theories of Fundamental Rights will be studied in order to demonstrate that the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific right custody, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due to, especially, the corruption. On the other hand, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, who, to join a deliberative governance program, needs to be politicized, adopting full participation and dialogue as a citizen responsibility. Furthermore, taking as the major heart, it will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a broad deliberative and emancipatory democracy, with effective citizen participation. It will also be considered the Condorcet Constitution Project as a comparative link in the linking of the public deliberative will, and the Central Power, in the face of the Theory of “Sluice” Habermas. The proposal, based on communicative action, must allow a continuous flux and influx process of social interests towards the exercise of administrative power. The dialogical deal, brought to the center of the decisions, will allow discussions in the public scope, and may contribute to the legitimacy of government actions, inasmuch as it creates the feeling of politicization demanded by the man in a democratic state.

RELIGIÃO, COLONIALISMO E ALTERIDADE EM ROGER WILLIAMS

Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta os resultados da pesquisa sobre Roger Williams – pastor puritano, de origem inglesa, que migrou para a América a fim de participar da constituição da colônia de Massachusetts, no ano de 1631. Pergunta-se, nesta pesquisa, sobre os motivos que levaram Roger Williams a questionar o pensamento dominante, relativo à natureza do ameríndio e à legitimidade da ocupação de suas terras. Parte-se da tese de que a partir das experiências de Roger Williams, primeiro, com o sofrimento dos pobres e com perseguição religiosa na Inglaterra, segundo, suas próprias experiências na América, ele pôde contemplar os ameríndios como vítimas do sistema colonial inglês-puritano. Seu posicionamento seria, portanto, uma abertura à alteridade desses povos. Com isso, o objetivo determinado foi o de analisar a crítica de Roger Williams ao colonialismo inglês e sua defesa aos ameríndios, buscando compreendê-lo frente à alteridade dos ameríndios. Trata-se de uma bibliográfica das obras do autor e também de outros autores que tratam do tema. Como referência teórica, remetemo-nos ao pensamento de Enrique Dussel, principalmente, por meio de algumas categorias da Filosofia da Libertação, como Totalidade, Exterioridade, Alteridade, Alienação, Dominação e Libertação, que possibilitaram pensar o sistema colonial em sua incapacidade de contemplar a exterioridade ameríndia. Também, de Dussel, aplicou-se a reflexão sobre a crítica ética desde a negatividade das vítimas, para poder-se analisar o comportamento do personagem diante da violência colonial. E para a discussão sobre a sujeiticidade de Roger Williams, buscou-se o aporte de Franz J. Hinkelammert quanto à teoria do sujeito. Como resultado, os três capítulos da dissertação apresentam, respectivamente, uma síntese biográfica e contextual do personagem, seguida por uma exposição do debate sobre a humanidade e a civilidade dos ameríndios e sobre a questão da terra e, no terceiro capítulo, uma discussão sobre Roger Williams e a alteridade. Detectou-se, na trajetória do personagem, uma sensibilidade ética que o conduziu à defesa de grupos marginalizados socialmente, primeiro na Inglaterra e depois nas colônias. E diante disso, concluiu-se que a defesa dos ameríndios seguiu esse mesmo critério, possibilitando a Williams distanciar-se das pressuposições europeias quanto à sua superioridade para buscar novos paradigmas que orientassem as relações entre colonos e nativos. Espera-se que este trabalho possa contribuir para as reflexões críticas sobre a gênese do colonialismo e sobre os primeiros sinais de um pensamento crítico no interior do sistema colonial.

La respuesta liberal de Edmund Burke a la crisis de legitimidad política del siglo XVIII

Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the last three hundred years. We could not agree more with this assertion of Jesse Norman. Very few political-statesmen have attainted the enormous repercussion both in politics and in history that Burke had deployed over the last centuries. Nevertheless, Burke remains unfairly unknown for a wider public. And what it is more, the vast majority tend to think of him as a conservative, if not a liberal-conservative. A prior precision has to be made before continuing regarding the term liberal for the sake of accuracy. Burke was a prominent Whig, what in Spanish language we describe as a liberal, in the sense that both Hayek and Milton Friedman uttered, far from the meaning “kidnapped” of the word liberal by the Anglo-Saxon left. The object of this thesis is to investigate the non-solved controversy on Burke`s figure and the liberal answer he provided with to the political crisis of legitimacy of the 18th century. There is an existing shared opinion by the academia that prior to the Reflections on the Revolution of France, his masterpiece, he was an outstanding and prominent Whig. Champion of liberty, justice and good governance, guardian of liberal virtues and the authentic developer of the efficient policy put in place by the Marquis of Rockingham in order to curb the corruption and influence emanating from the court of George the Third and his double cabinet.

Sustaining a Relationship : Insights from Canada on Linking the Government and Third Sector (Working Paper 1)

The embedding of third sector organisations in the policy world is fraught with tensions. Accountability and autonomy become oppositional forces causing an uneasy relationship. Government agencies are concerned that their equity and efficiency goals and objectives be met when they enter partnerships with the third sector for the delivery of programs and services. Third sector agencies question the impact of accountability mechanisms on their independence and identities. Even if the relationship between government and third sector agencies seems to be based on cooperation, concerns about cooptation (for nonprofits) and capturing (for governments) may linger calling the legitimacy of the partnership into question. Two means of improving the relationship between the governing and third sectors have been proposed recently in Canada by the Panel on Accountability and Governance in the Voluntary Sector (PAGVS) and the Joint Tables sponsored by the Voluntary Sector Task Force (VSTF). The two endeavours represent a historic undertaking in Canada aimed at improving and facilitating the relationship between the federal government and the nonprofit sector. The reports borrow on other country models but offer new insights into mediating the relationship, including new models for a regulatory body and a charity compact for Canada. Do these recommendations adequately address concerns of autonomy, accountability and cooptation or capturing? The Canadian reports do offer new insights into resolving the four tensions inherent in partnerships between the governing and third sector but also raise important questions about the nature of these relationships and the evolution of democracy within the Canadian political system.

Justice envers les enfants et légitimité politique en éducation

L’idée selon laquelle les enfants sont des sujets à part entière de considérations de justice n’est pas très contestée. Les enfants ont des intérêts qui leur sont propres et ont un statut moral indépendant de leurs parents : ils ne sont ni la propriété de ces derniers ni une simple extension de leur personne. Pourtant, les travaux des plus grands théoriciens de la justice en philosophie politique contemporaine ne contiennent pas de discussion systématique du statut moral et politique des enfants et du contenu de nos obligations à leur égard. Cette thèse contribue à remédier à cette omission à travers l’examen de quatre grandes questions principales. (1) Quelles sont les obligations de justice de l’état libéral envers les enfants ? (2) Quels types de politiques publiques en matière d’éducation des enfants sont moralement légitimes ? (3) Jusqu’à quel point est-il moralement acceptable pour les parents de délibérément forger la vision du monde de leurs enfants ? (4) Quels critères moraux devraient guider l’élaboration de politiques en matière d’éducation morale dans les écoles ? Cette thèse est constituée de quatre articles. Le premier, « Political Liberalism and Children’s Education », aborde les questions du fondement normatif et des implications du principe de ‘neutralité éducative’ ou ‘anti-perfectionnisme éducatif’. Selon ce principe, il n’est pas légitime pour l’État libéral de délibérément promouvoir, à travers ses politiques publiques en éducation, une conception particulière de la vie bonne. L’article défend les idées suivantes. D’abord, ledit principe est exclusivement fondé sur des raisons de justice envers les parents. Ensuite, l’anti-perfectionnisme libéral n’est pas, pour autant, ‘mauvais pour les enfants’, puisqu’une vaste gamme d’interventions politiques dans la vie familiale et l’éducation des enfants sont, de manière surprenante, justifiables dans ce cadre théorique. Le deuxième article, « On the Permissibility of Shaping Children’s Values », examine la question de savoir si les parents ont un droit moral de forger délibérément l’identité, la conception du monde et les valeurs de leurs enfants. L’article développe une critique de la conception anti-perfectionniste des devoirs parentaux et propose un nouvel argument libéral à l’appui d’un droit parental conditionnel de forger l’identité de leurs enfants. L’article introduit également une distinction importante entre les notions d’éducation compréhensive et d’« enrôlement » compréhensif. Le troisième article, « Common Education and the Practice of Liberal Neutrality: The Loyola High School Case », défend trois thèses principales à travers une analyse normative de l’affaire juridique de l’école Loyola. Premièrement, il est légitime pour l’État libéral d’adopter un modèle d’éducation commune fort. Deuxièmement, la thèse selon laquelle la neutralité comme approche éducative serait impossible est injustifiée. Troisièmement, il existe néanmoins de bonnes raisons pour l’État libéral d’accommoder plusieurs écoles religieuses qui rejettent le modèle de la neutralité. Le quatrième article, « Which Moral Issues Should be Taught as Controversial? », critique à la fois le critère ‘épistémique’ dominant pour déterminer quels enjeux moraux devraient être enseignés aux jeunes comme ‘controversés’, et à la fois la manière dont le débat sur l’enseignement des enjeux controversés fut construit au cours des dernières années, d’un point de vue substantiel et méthodologique. L’article propose une manière alternative d’aborder le débat, laquelle prend adéquatement en compte la pluralité des objectifs de l’éducation et un ensemble d’autres considérations morales pertinentes.

Atuação e desempenho do Ministério Público do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte no contexto da gestão pública: perspectiva estratégica

The present dissertation analyzes the performance and acting of the Rio Grande do Norte Public Ministery, in the strategic perspective, while responsible Institution for the defense of the collective rights. The comprehension of this theme inserts in a context of modernization of the public administration, in which is inserted, as well as their functional and structural changes, in a reality of innovations there is passing the organizations, looking to rescue the legitimacy of the government organizations, aligning them to the democratic values of the society. It detaches the strategic administration and the public administration and it exposes the strategic performance about the central point of the study, focusing in the development of the organization in the last four years, and other relative subjects to the acting. It is a unic case study, framed in the characteristics of the qualitative approaches - descriptive and exploratory. The analysis showed, through the method of content analysis, by the criterion of thematic categorization, that MP / RN come developing in an intense way,and it detaches that the changes already happened reflect a good strategic acting of the Institution, especially in the structural and functional areas, showing the strategic conscience of this, although that is not still enough to consider it as a strategic organization, and it concludes that there is still a lot for doing, and that the occurrence of an administration typically strategic in the extent of MP/RN is possible, with the conscience and participation of all, members and servants

Reproducing Women: Female Bodily Narratives and English Patriarchies, 1600-1660

During the early Stuart period, England’s return to male monarchal rule resulted in the emergence of a political analogy that understood the authority of the monarch to be rooted in the “natural” authority of the father; consequently, the mother’s authoritative role within the family was repressed. As the literature of the period recognized, however, there would be no family unit for the father to lead without the words and bodies of women to make narratives of dynasty and legitimacy possible. Early modern discourse reveals that the reproductive roles of men and women, and the social hierarchies that grow out of them, are as much a matter of human design as of divine or natural law. Moreover, despite the attempts of James I and Charles I to strengthen royal patriarchal authority, the role of the monarch was repeatedly challenged on stage and in print even prior to the British Civil Wars and the 1649 beheading of Charles I. Texts produced at moments of political crisis reveal how women could uphold the legitimacy of familial and political hierarchies, but they also disclose patriarchy’s limits by representing “natural” male authority as depending in part on women’s discursive control over their bodies. Due to the epistemological instability of the female reproductive body, women play a privileged interpretive role in constructing patriarchal identities. The dearth of definitive knowledge about the female body during this period, and the consequent inability to fix or stabilize somatic meaning, led to the proliferation of differing, and frequently contradictory, depictions of women’s bodies. The female body became a site of contested meaning in early modern discourse, with men and women struggling for dominance, and competitors so diverse as to include kings, midwives, scholars of anatomy, and female religious sectarians. Essentially, this competition came down to a question of where to locate somatic meaning: In the opaque, uncertain bodies of women? In women’s equally uncertain and unreliable words? In the often contradictory claims of various male-authored medical treatises? In the whispered conversations that took place between women behind the closed doors of birthing rooms? My dissertation traces this representational instability through plays by William Shakespeare, John Ford, Thomas Middleton, and William Rowley, as well as in monstrous birth pamphlets, medical treatises, legal documents, histories, satires, and ballads. In these texts, the stories women tell about and through their bodies challenge and often supersede male epistemological control. These stories, which I term female bodily narratives, allow women to participate in defining patriarchal authority at the levels of both the family and the state. After laying out these controversies and instabilities surrounding early modern women’s bodies in my first chapter, my remaining chapters analyze the impact of women’s words on four distinct but overlapping reproductive issues: virginity, pregnancy, birthing room rituals, and paternity. In chapters 2 and 3, I reveal how women construct the inner, unseen “truths” of their reproductive bodies through speech and performance, and in doing so challenge the traditional forms of male authority that depend on these very constructions for coherence. Chapter 2 analyzes virginity in Thomas Middleton and William Rowley’s play The Changeling (1622) and in texts documenting the 1613 Essex divorce, during which Frances Howard, like Beatrice-Joanna in the play, was required to undergo a virginity test. These texts demonstrate that a woman’s ability to feign virginity could allow her to undermine patriarchal authority within the family and the state, even as they reveal how men relied on women to represent their reproductive bodies in socially stabilizing ways. During the British Civil Wars and Interregnum (1642-1660), Parliamentary writers used Howard as an example of how the unruly words and bodies of women could disrupt and transform state politics by influencing court faction; in doing so, they also revealed how female bodily narratives could help recast political historiography. In chapter 3, I investigate depictions of pregnancy in John Ford’s tragedy, ‘Tis Pity She’s a Whore (1633) and in early modern medical treatises from 1604 to 1651. Although medical texts claim to convey definitive knowledge about the female reproductive body, in actuality male knowledge frequently hinged on the ways women chose to interpret the unstable physical indicators of pregnancy. In Ford’s play, Annabella and Putana take advantage of male ignorance in order to conceal Annabella’s incestuous, illegitimate pregnancy from her father and husband, thus raising fears about women’s ability to misrepresent their bodies. Since medical treatises often frame the conception of healthy, legitimate offspring as a matter of national importance, women’s ability to conceal or even terminate their pregnancies could weaken both the patriarchal family and the patriarchal state that the family helped found. Chapters 4 and 5 broaden the socio-political ramifications of women’s words and bodies by demonstrating how female bodily narratives are required to establish paternity and legitimacy, and thus help shape patriarchal authority at multiple social levels. In chapter 4, I study representations of birthing room gossip in Thomas Middleton’s play, A Chaste Maid in Cheapside (1613), and in three Mistris Parliament pamphlets (1648) that satirize parliamentary power. Across these texts, women’s birthing room “gossip” comments on and critiques such issues as men’s behavior towards their wives and children, the proper use of household funds, the finer points of religious ritual, and even the limits of the authority of the monarch. The collective speech of the female-dominated birthing room thus proves central not only to attributing paternity to particular men, but also to the consequent definition and establishment of the political, socio-economic, and domestic roles of patriarchy. Chapter 5 examines anxieties about paternity in William Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale (1611) and in early modern monstrous birth pamphlets from 1600 to 1647, in which children born with congenital deformities are explained as God’s punishment for the sexual, religious, and/or political transgressions of their parents or communities. Both the play and the pamphlets explore the formative/deformative power of women’s words and bodies over their offspring, a power that could obscure a father’s connection to his children. However, although the pamphlets attempt to contain and discipline women’s unruly words and bodies with the force of male authority, the play reveals the dangers of male tyranny and the crucial role of maternal authority in reproducing and authenticating dynastic continuity and royal legitimacy. My emphasis on the socio-political impact of women’s self-representation distinguishes my work from that of scholars such as Mary Fissell and Julie Crawford, who claim that early modern beliefs about the female reproductive body influenced textual depictions of major religious and political events, but give little sustained attention to the role female speech plays in these representations. In contrast, my dissertation reveals that in such texts, patriarchal society relies precisely on the words women speak about their own and other women’s bodies. Ultimately, I argue that female bodily narratives were crucial in shaping early modern culture, and they are equally crucial to our critical understanding of sexual and state politics in the literature of the period.

Accountability, rendición de cuentas y controles a la administración. ¿Cómo funcionan en Argentina según el ordenamiento jurídico vigente?

En América Latina diversos escándalos de corrupción y malversaciónde recursos públicos están minando la confianza de la ciudadaníaen las instituciones democráticas, en todos los países de la región.La impunidad existente en casos de corrupción y la falta deaccountability dejan en duda a la democracia y la legitimidad delas instituciones. El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar,primero, la importancia del fortalecimiento del accountability enAmérica Latina para mejorar la calidad de la democracia en la regiónpara, después, analizar específicamente el caso de Argentina,buscando identificar cuáles son los vacíos dentro del ordenamientojurídico que generan grandes riesgos de corrupción y evaluar cómosería posible mejorar esta situación.

Kwestia niekonstytucyjności roszczenia informacyjnego z art. 2861 p.w.p. – wybrane zagadnienia

Roszczenie informacyjne jest instrumentem prawnym, przy pomocy którego uprawniony z tytuł prawa do patentu, prawa ochronnego na wzór użytkowy, prawa z rejestracji wzoru przemysłowego czy też prawa ochronnego na znak towarowy może domagać się, aby sąd zobowiązał określony podmiot do ujawnienia informacji, które są niezbędne dla skutecznego dochodzenia roszczeń przed sądem. Niejednokrotnie bowiem ze względu na niematerialny charakter praw własności przemysłowej ustalenie naruszyciela tych praw oraz skali samego naruszenia jest znacznie utrudnione. Wokół tytułowego roszczenia informacyjnego na gruncie ustawy Prawo własności przemysłowej powstało szereg kontrowersji, którego zwieńczeniem było wniesienie skargi konstytucyjnej w 2015 roku, oczekującej obecnie na rozstrzygnięcie przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny. Realizacja roszczenia tego rodzaju powoduje bowiem, że ochrona praw podmiotu uprawnionego prowadzi nieuchronnie do ograniczenia praw innego podmiotu – zobowiązanego do udzielenia informacji. Wobec tego szczególnie istotne jest respektowanie zasady proporcjonalności przy ustanawianiu ograniczeń praw i wolności obywatelskich. W niniejszym opracowaniu została rozważona zasadność zarzutów niekonstytucyjności omawianej instytucji prawnej i jej zgodności m.in. z prawem do sądu oraz wolnością działalności gospodarczej w zestawieniu z zasadą proporcjonalności ograniczenia praw konstytucyjnych. Na tle wątpliwości co do zgodności z Konstytucją roszczenia informacyjnego przedstawione zostały także kwestie dotyczące wadliwości implementacji dyrektywy unijnej w zakresie roszczenia o udzielenie informacji. Wszystkie zagadnienia zostały omówione na tle stosunków gospodarczych, w jakich uczestniczą podmioty uprawnione do żądania udzielenia informacji, a także zobowiązane do ich udzielenia.

Justice envers les enfants et légitimité politique en éducation

L’idée selon laquelle les enfants sont des sujets à part entière de considérations de justice n’est pas très contestée. Les enfants ont des intérêts qui leur sont propres et ont un statut moral indépendant de leurs parents : ils ne sont ni la propriété de ces derniers ni une simple extension de leur personne. Pourtant, les travaux des plus grands théoriciens de la justice en philosophie politique contemporaine ne contiennent pas de discussion systématique du statut moral et politique des enfants et du contenu de nos obligations à leur égard. Cette thèse contribue à remédier à cette omission à travers l’examen de quatre grandes questions principales. (1) Quelles sont les obligations de justice de l’état libéral envers les enfants ? (2) Quels types de politiques publiques en matière d’éducation des enfants sont moralement légitimes ? (3) Jusqu’à quel point est-il moralement acceptable pour les parents de délibérément forger la vision du monde de leurs enfants ? (4) Quels critères moraux devraient guider l’élaboration de politiques en matière d’éducation morale dans les écoles ? Cette thèse est constituée de quatre articles. Le premier, « Political Liberalism and Children’s Education », aborde les questions du fondement normatif et des implications du principe de ‘neutralité éducative’ ou ‘anti-perfectionnisme éducatif’. Selon ce principe, il n’est pas légitime pour l’État libéral de délibérément promouvoir, à travers ses politiques publiques en éducation, une conception particulière de la vie bonne. L’article défend les idées suivantes. D’abord, ledit principe est exclusivement fondé sur des raisons de justice envers les parents. Ensuite, l’anti-perfectionnisme libéral n’est pas, pour autant, ‘mauvais pour les enfants’, puisqu’une vaste gamme d’interventions politiques dans la vie familiale et l’éducation des enfants sont, de manière surprenante, justifiables dans ce cadre théorique. Le deuxième article, « On the Permissibility of Shaping Children’s Values », examine la question de savoir si les parents ont un droit moral de forger délibérément l’identité, la conception du monde et les valeurs de leurs enfants. L’article développe une critique de la conception anti-perfectionniste des devoirs parentaux et propose un nouvel argument libéral à l’appui d’un droit parental conditionnel de forger l’identité de leurs enfants. L’article introduit également une distinction importante entre les notions d’éducation compréhensive et d’« enrôlement » compréhensif. Le troisième article, « Common Education and the Practice of Liberal Neutrality: The Loyola High School Case », défend trois thèses principales à travers une analyse normative de l’affaire juridique de l’école Loyola. Premièrement, il est légitime pour l’État libéral d’adopter un modèle d’éducation commune fort. Deuxièmement, la thèse selon laquelle la neutralité comme approche éducative serait impossible est injustifiée. Troisièmement, il existe néanmoins de bonnes raisons pour l’État libéral d’accommoder plusieurs écoles religieuses qui rejettent le modèle de la neutralité. Le quatrième article, « Which Moral Issues Should be Taught as Controversial? », critique à la fois le critère ‘épistémique’ dominant pour déterminer quels enjeux moraux devraient être enseignés aux jeunes comme ‘controversés’, et à la fois la manière dont le débat sur l’enseignement des enjeux controversés fut construit au cours des dernières années, d’un point de vue substantiel et méthodologique. L’article propose une manière alternative d’aborder le débat, laquelle prend adéquatement en compte la pluralité des objectifs de l’éducation et un ensemble d’autres considérations morales pertinentes.

Cywilnoprawne granice optymalizacji podatkowej w zakresie podatku dochodowego od osób prawnych (analiza struktur planowania podatkowego)

Wydział Prawa i Administracji

Atuação e desempenho do Ministério Público do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte no contexto da gestão pública: perspectiva estratégica

The present dissertation analyzes the performance and acting of the Rio Grande do Norte Public Ministery, in the strategic perspective, while responsible Institution for the defense of the collective rights. The comprehension of this theme inserts in a context of modernization of the public administration, in which is inserted, as well as their functional and structural changes, in a reality of innovations there is passing the organizations, looking to rescue the legitimacy of the government organizations, aligning them to the democratic values of the society. It detaches the strategic administration and the public administration and it exposes the strategic performance about the central point of the study, focusing in the development of the organization in the last four years, and other relative subjects to the acting. It is a unic case study, framed in the characteristics of the qualitative approaches - descriptive and exploratory. The analysis showed, through the method of content analysis, by the criterion of thematic categorization, that MP / RN come developing in an intense way,and it detaches that the changes already happened reflect a good strategic acting of the Institution, especially in the structural and functional areas, showing the strategic conscience of this, although that is not still enough to consider it as a strategic organization, and it concludes that there is still a lot for doing, and that the occurrence of an administration typically strategic in the extent of MP/RN is possible, with the conscience and participation of all, members and servants

Privatisation and accountability in a “crony capitalist” Nigerian state

Nigeria is richly endowed with oil and gas resources, but the country’s continued reliance on loans from international financial institutions raises questions about the transparency and accountability of its utilisation of the huge revenues resulting from these two resources. In order to attract international capital to bolster its revenues from sales of oil and gas, a huge proportion of which continues to be used corruptly, the World Bank has encouraged the Nigerian government to subscribe to neoliberal economic policies by enlisting accounting firms and privatising state-owned enterprises. Key justifications for this have included enhancing accountability, reducing public-sector corruption, promoting market efficiency and attracting international capital. However, this paper presents evidence of the role of accounting in the undervaluation of assets, concealment of possible malpractice, and subversion of the accountability that it should have delivered in the privatisation process. The assumption that accounting will enhance accountability, reduce public-sector corruption and promote market efficiency in privatisation, and ultimately attract investment into a crony capitalist Nigerian state, appears to be an illusion created partly through the apparent legitimacy of accounting.

La lectura incestuosa de "La vida es sueño"

It has been said so much about "Life is a Dream" that it seems not to be probable to say anything more, but on the other hand there is such a disagreement and plurality concerning the criticism that is related to the work that it looks like there is still so much left to say about it. Being the debate between these two views, our work tries to focus on the consequences that are derived from the analysis of a character who is never appeared on the stage and is barely named along the text. This character is not other but Clorilene. It has been only two times in which her name comes on the scene and that is the reason why the critics have considered appropriated to talk about two different characters. However, there have also been some people who support the idea about these two Clorilene could be the same character, that is the same person. All doubts are left out by contextualizing the subject and taking into account that if Clorilene who is Basiliós sister and the other Clorilene who is Basiliós wife are the same character, then we would be talking that such a coincidence could be incest. So Segismundo would be the son of such incest. On our opinion, there is no need to insist more on the legitimacy of the incestuous reading of "Life is a Dream", so the contributions we count on are enough to be sure about their validity. However, our work takes an enough span to account for the accumulated bibliography about the case, although it is not very numerous, it is useful. The aim of this thesis is not to question the existence of the incest. It would not be a novelty and as we have said before, the incest is there and it works. However, what is still left to do is an exercise of general interpretation about "Life is a Dream" and to analyze to what extend it could be relevant the reason for the incest or if it is not other thing that a word game that the author ventured without much pretension that the "onomastic incest" which Maurice Molho referred to...