Trafficking in human beings and Foucauldian biopower : A case study in the expansion of the human rights phenomenon

Trafficking in human beings has become one of the most talked about criminal concerns of the 21st century. But this is not all that it has become. Trafficking has also been declared as one of the most pressing human rights issues of our time. In this sense, it has become a part of the expansion of the human rights phenomenon. Although it is easy to see that the crime of trafficking violates several of the human rights of its victims, it is still, in its essence, a fairly conventional although particularly heinous and often transnational crime, consisting of acts between private actors, and lacking, therefore, the vertical effect associated traditionally with human rights violations. This thesis asks, then, why, and how, has the anti-trafficking campaign been translated in human rights language. And even more fundamentally: in light of the critical, theoretical studies surrounding the expansion of the human rights phenomenon, especially that of Costas Douzinas, who has declared that we have come to the end of human rights as a consequence of the expansion and bureaucratization of the phenomenon, can human rights actually bring salvation to the victims of trafficking? The thesis demonstrates that the translation process of the anti-trafficking campaign into human rights language has been a complicated process involving various actors, including scholars, feminist NGOs, local activists and global human rights NGOs. It has also been driven by a complicated web of interests, the most prevalent one the sincere will to help the victims having become entangled with other aims, such as political, economical, and structural goals. As a consequence of its fragmented background, the human rights approach to trafficking seeks still its final form, consisting of several different claims. After an assessment of these claims from a legal perspective, this thesis concludes that the approach is most relevant regarding the mistreatment of victims of trafficking in the hands of state authorities. It seems to be quite common that authorities have trouble identifying the victims of trafficking, which means that the rights granted to themin international and national documents are not realized in practice, but victims of trafficking are systematically deported as illegal immigrants. It is argued that in order to understand the measures of the authorities, and to assess the usefulness of human rights, it is necessary to adopt a Foucauldian perspective and to observe the measures as biopolitical defence mechanisms. From a biopolitical perspective, the victims of trafficking can be seen as a threat to the population a threat that must be eliminated either by assimilating them to the main population with the help of disciplinary techniques, or by excluding them completely from the society. This biopolitical aim is accomplished through an impenetrable net of seemingly insignificant practices and discourses that not even the participants are aware of. As a result of these practices and discourses, trafficking victims only very few of fit the myth of the perfect victim, produced by biopolitical discourses become invisible and therefore subject to deportation as (risky) illegal immigrants, turning them into bare life in the Agambenian sense, represented by the homo sacer, who cannot be sacrificed, yet does not enjoy the protection of the society and its laws. It is argued, following Jacques Rancière and Slavoj i ek, that human rights can, through their universality and formal equality, provide bare life the tools to formulate political claims and therefore utilize their politicization through their exclusion to return to the sphere of power and politics. Even though human rights have inevitably become entangled with biopolitical practices, they are still perhaps the most efficient way to challenge biopower. Human rights have not, therefore, become useless for the victims of trafficking, but they must be conceived as a universal tool to formulate political claims and challenge power .In the case of trafficking this means that human rights must be utilized to constantly renegotiate the borders of the problematic concept of victim of trafficking created by international instruments, policies and discourses, including those that are sincerely aimed to provide help for the victims.

Onko oppimistulokset valettu betoniin? : Tutkimus Helsingin kaupunkirakenteen ja peruskoulujen oppimistulosten välisestä yhteydestä ja kouluvalintojen vaikutuksista

The aim of this study is to find out how urban segregation is connected to the differentiation in educational outcomes in public schools. The connection between urban structure and educational outcomes is studied on both the primary and secondary school level. The secondary purpose of this study is to find out whether the free school choice policy introduced in the mid-1990´s has an effect on the educational outcomes in secondary schools or on the observed relationship between the urban structure and educational outcomes. The study is quantitative in nature, and the most important method used is statistical regression analysis. The educational outcome data ranging the years from 1999 to 2002 has been provided by the Finnish National Board of Education, and the data containing variables describing the social and physical structure of Helsinki has been provided by Statistics Finland and City of Helsinki Urban Facts. The central observation is that there is a clear connection between urban segregation and differences in educational outcomes in public schools. With variables describing urban structure, it is possible to statistically explain up to 70 % of the variation in educational outcomes in the primary schools and 60 % of the variation in educational oucomes in the secondary schools. The most significant variables in relation to low educational outcomes in Helsinki are abundance of public housing, low educational status of the adult population and high numbers of immigrants in the school's catchment area. The regression model has been constructed using these variables. The lower coefficient of determination in the educational outcomes of secondary schools is mostly due to the effects of secondary school choice. Studying the public school market revealed that students selecting a secondary school outside their local catchment area cause an increase in the variation of the educational outcomes between secondary schools. When the number of students selecting a school outside their local catchment area is taken into account in the regressional model, it is possible to explain up to 80 % of the variation in educational outcomes in the secondary schools in Helsinki.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

Sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolella - kokemuksia kansalaisuuden reunalta

Muuttaessaan maasta toiseen ihminen kohtaa useita rajoja. Ylittäessään kohdemaan valtion rajan hän kulkee läpi ensimmäisestä maahanmuuton portista. Toinen raja erottaa tilapäiset asukkaat pysyvistä: tämän maahanmuuton toisen portin läpikulkemisen myötä yksilö pääsee osalliseksi sosiaalisista oikeuksista. Maahanmuuton viimeisestä portista kuljettuaan yksilö saavuttaa kyseisen valtion kansalaisuuden. (Hammar 1990, 21.) Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastelen toisen maahanmuuton portin aukeamista ja sosiaaliturvan piiriin pääsyä odottavien maahan-muuttajien kokemuksia. Käytän tarkastelussa sosiaalisen kansalaisuuden ja marginaalisuuden käsitteitä. Tutkielmassa selvitän, miten sosiaali- ja terveyspalveluiden sekä toimeentuloturvan ulkopuolelle jääminen vaikuttaa maahanmuuttajien arkeen ja miten he kokevat osallisuutensa ja jäsenyytensä yhteiskunnassa. Tutkimus on lähtökohdiltaan fenomenologis-hermeneuttinen ja sovellan lähestymistapana ko-kemuksiin keskittyvän narratiivista tutkimusta. Tutkimusaineisto on koottu kevään 2011 aikana ja se koostuu 10 teemahaastattelusta. Haastateltavien maahanmuuton keinot ja syyt vaihtelivat: he olivat saapuneet Suomeen perhesyistä, työn vuoksi tai hakeakseen turvaa. Haastateltavat tavoitettiin Helsingin Diakoniaopiston, Pro-tukipisteen, Kansainvälisen seurakunnan ja tuttava-verkostojen kautta. Aineiston analyysi toteutettiin sisällönanalyysillä Atlas-ohjelman avulla syksyn 2011 aikana. Toisen maahanmuuton portin aukeamisen odottaminen oli raskaaksi: tuota aikaa leimasi epä-varmuus, tyhjyys ja yksinäisyys. Sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolella jääminen aiheutti osalle haastatel-tavista taloudellisia vaikeuksia sekä ongelmia terveydenhuollon palveluiden piiriin pääsemisessä. Toisaalta apua hakeneet haastateltavat olivat sitä lopulta saaneet. Auttamistyön ammattilaiset ja maistraatti saivat haastateltavien kertomuksissa portinvartijan aseman. Kaikille sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolelle jääminen ei ollut ongelma vaan he kokivat sosiaaliturvan puutetta suuremmaksi ongelmaksi työnteko-oikeuden puuttumisen. Kuulumisen ja ulkopuolisuuden kokemus voivat olla läsnä samanaikaisesti, ja kuulumisesta neuvotellaan jatkuvasti esimerkiksi sosiaalisessa kanssakäymisessä tai palveluita hakiessa. Insti-tutionaaliset käytännöt ja poiskäännyttämisen kokemukset tuottavat marginaalisia identiteettejä. Tasavertainen oikeus sosiaaliturvaan vahvistaa kokemusta kuulumisesta ja kodista. Sosiaaliturva ei kuitenkaan yksin määritä kuulumisen ja kodin kokemusta vaan siihen vaikuttavat myös muut tekijät. Näistä tärkeimmät ovat kehon fyysinen sijoittuminen Suomeen, perhe- ja ystä-vyyssuhteet, työ, asunto ja rasismin kokemukset.

Actividades de las autoridades argentinas y la embajada española sobre los anarquistas antes de la Ley de Residencia

Resumen: El presente trabajo investiga la actuación de la Embajada de España con respecto a la entrada a la Argentina de inmigrantes con antecedentes anarquistas durante fines del siglo XIX y los primeros dos años del siglo XX. Registra además el interés por seguir los movimientos de dichos inmigrantes en el país. Se destaca el rol de la documentación diplomática, mediante la cual la Embajada española se mantenía en permanente contacto con el gobierno central, con las autoridades argentinas y con los consulados del interior para intercambiar información. A través de las fuentes se puede observar la labor de “inteligencia ideológica” que se realizó y el detallado conocimiento que se tenía sobre los anarquistas, sus vías de traslado hacia nuestro país, sus profesiones, paraderos, domicilios, relaciones, y las minuciosas descripciones físicas de los sospechados. En esta política se nota la coparticipación entre la Embajada de España y las instituciones argentinas para desligarse de elementos que denominaban “no deseados”. También se consideran las relaciones entre el anarquismo argentino y el español, así como la importancia de la prensa revolucionaria, aun sobre la misma España. La vigilancia que ejercía la Embajada española sobre los inmigrantes, el control sobre los anarquistas españoles en la Argentina y la influencia de éstos sobre los sucesos de la Península demuestran a las claras la preocupación del gobierno hispano en la cuestión.

Destin ou Destinée dans un contexte de fragmentation psychologique et sociale chez des jeunes mineurs isolés, immigrés d’Afrique Noire

Résumé: Cet article questionne la vision psychodynamique et psychosociale dans le parcours de vie de jeunes immigrés africains, vulnérables, placés en Maison d’Enfants à Caractère Social. Ce placement propose une formation professionnelle ou la poursuite des études, formations indispensables pour rester en France à condition de disposer de papiers en règle. La problématique de la fragmentation psychique et sociale chez ces jeunes dont le processus développemental est marqué par l’exil sera interrogée au regard des concepts tels que Destin et Destinée. Cette dernière sera aussi questionnée à la lumière du rôle et de la valeur du travail chez ces jeunes évoluant dans un nouveau contexte socio-économico-culturel qui tend à les stigmatiser. Par l’intermédiaire des données verbales et non verbales issues d’entretiens psychologiques, d’un groupe de parole et d’une grille d’observation inspirée d’un questionnaire, nous proposons une analyse des trajectoires personnelles au regard d’un processus d’identification. Cette analyse permet déjà d’aller au-delà des caractéristiques individuelles et de mettre en exergue le rôle capital qu’incarne le travail pour asseoir une identité sociale et sortir de l’état intemporel d’exil

Nacionalidad e inmigración en el pensamiento de Estanislao Zeballos (1883-1912)

Resumen: Estanislao Zeballos (1854-1923), fue un prominente periodista, abogado y político argentino que publicó una serie de artículos y libros sobre varios temas relevantes: los indios araucanos, las colonias agrícolas de la provincia de Santa Fe, la cuestión del ius sanguinis-ius solis, y el impacto de la inmigración europea en la Argentina. Como otros hombres públicos contemporáneos de su país, Zeballos creía en el proyecto de una nueva nación construida por los inmigrantes. Sin embargo, sus preocupaciones giraron también en torno a los problemas que suponía una sociedad multicultural y los intentos por reconstruir un sentido de identidad nacional.

Does Immigration Raise Natives’ Income? National and Regional Evidence from Spain

How immigration affects the labor market of the host country is a topic of major concern for many immigrant-receiving nations. Spain is no exception following the rapid increase in immigrant flows experienced over the past decade. We assess the impact of immigration on Spanish natives’ income by estimating the net immigration surplus accruing at the national level and at high immigrant-receiving regions while taking into account the imperfect substitutability of immigrant and native labor. Specifically, using information on the occupational densities of immigrants and natives of different skill levels, we develop a mapping of immigrant-to-native self-reported skills that reveals the combination of natives across skills that would be equivalent to an immigrant of a given self-reported skill level, which we use to account for any differences between immigrant self-reported skill levels and their effective skills according to the Spanish labor market. We find that the immigrant surplus amounts to 0.04 percent of GDP at the national level and it is even higher for some of the main immigrant-receiving regions, such as Cataluña, Valencia, Madrid, and Murcia.

Expectativas e implicación educativa de las familias inmigrantes de escolares en educación primaria de la CAPV: bases para la intervención educativa

596 p.: graf.

¿Vascos o euskaldunak?: una aproximación al papel del Euskara en la conformación de las Colectividades vascas de América, siglo XIX

[ES] El artículo se centra en el papel jugado por la lengua vasca, el euskara,en el proceso de creación e institucionalización de las colectividades vascas creadas a lo largo del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX en diversos países americanos a los que se dirigieron preferentemente los emigrantes vascos. En todos los casos, las colectividades vascas que se crearon integraban a originarios de todos los territorios tradicionales de Euskal Herria, tanto de las actuales Comunidades autónomas vasca y navarra en España, como del País Vasco-francés. En este proceso el euskara jugó un doble papel,práctico y simbólico, que posibilitó la asunción por parte de los emigrantes vascos,y de la sociedad que los acogió, de una identidad común por encima de otras divisiones basadas en la nacionalidad política o la diversidad ideológica.

Inmigración: indicadores de nutrición

[ES] Los movimientos migratorios forman parte de la historia universal. La población inmigrante, igual que el resto de la población, puede sufrir malnutrición. Los indicadores de la nutrición en inmigrantes son los mismos que en los autóctonos. La valoración nutricional debe realizarse de forma sistematica, mediante antropometría, historia clínica y dietética, etc. Se puede realizar de forma objetiva o subjetiva.

Entidades Sociales, Inmigrantes y Bienestar Psicológico

La función última de las entidades sociales que atienden a emigrantes es el de promover su integración social y calidad de vida. Potenciar la dimensión cualitativa de la misma implica conocer el nivel de bienestar psicológico subjetivo de las personas usuarias de las mismas. El objetivo principal es el de identificar y evaluar las dimensiones del bienestar subjetivo de las personas inmigrantes adultas usuarias de tres asociaciones ubicadas en Vizcaya. El diseño metodológico empleado es de tipo cualitativo, basado en entrevistas semiestructuradas aplicadas a una muestra intencional compuesta por siete personas inmigrantes adultas residentes en Vizcaya. El análisis de los testimonios desvela diferencias en los niveles de bienestar subjetivo relacionados con su nivel de participación e implicación en la asociación de pertenencia. La principal conclusión extraída del estudio es que la asociación influye de forma positiva en el bienestar de los inmigrantes, mostrando mayor nivel de satisfacción aquellos que además participan como voluntarios.

Medios de comunicación e inmigración: prejuicios y estereotipos. Claves para la intervención socioeducativa

RESUMEN: La sociedad de la información está marcada por la influencia de los medios de comunicación en la formación del pensamiento ciudadano. El presente trabajo de investigación presenta un estudio que se realizó en torno a dicha influencia en el campo de los estereotipos y prejuicios sociales hacia el colectivo inmigrante a través del análisis de 96 noticias referentes a inmigración pertenecientes a tres diarios representativos de la sociedad española y vasca: El País, El Correo y El Mundo durante la primera quincena de febrero de 2014. Los resultados obtenidos reflejaron los discursos más comunes y recurrentes en el tratamiento de temas relacionados con inmigración, corroborando teorías y estudios ya existentes. Tras la obtención de dichos resultados se elaboró una propuesta que incide en la importancia de una educación en los medios de comunicación accesible a toda la ciudadanía.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

Monica Alis Brick Lane: A tale of two cities or How Nazneen left her fate

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o romance Brick Lane (2003), da escritora Monica Ali, focalizando o processo de empoderamento da protagonista Nazneen. Usando os conceitos de lugar e não-lugar propostos por Marc Augé, pretendo examinar passagens do romance que caracterizem a sensação de não-pertencimento vivida pela personagem. Nazneen recorre às memórias de sua infância com a irmã Hasina em Bangladesh para tentar se distanciar do espaço físico de Brick Lane (a comunidade onde reside em Londres), que se constitui em um não-lugar, pois ali não é possível reconstruir sua identidade fragmentada pelo deslocamento de uma cultura para outra. Considerando aspectos históricos e culturais de Bangladesh, terra natal de Nazneen, este trabalho pretende discutir as experiências da protagonista e de outros sujeitos diaspóricos do romance, além de analisar o papel crucial que Hasina (e suas cartas) desempenham na narrativa. O atual contexto multicultural e cosmopolita da cidade de Londres também será investigado, com a discussão de situações que afetam os imigrantes e suas representações no romance. Esta dissertação também considera o caráter gendrado dos movimentos migratórios contemporâneos que possibilitam novas perspectivas acerca das consequências da diáspora. A análise de passagens selecionadas do romance ratifica o processo gradual de autonomia de Nazneen que, por fim, consegue se sentir em casa novamente