Opportunistic and partisan election cycles in Brazil: new evidence at the municipal level

This article tests the hypothesis of opportunistic and partisan cycle models using a new large data set of Brazilian municipalities over the 1989-2005 period. The results show an increase in total and current expenditures and a decrease in municipal investments, local tax revenues, and budget surplus in election years. They also show that partisan ideology exerts a relative influence on the performance of the local public accounts. These results confirm that both opportunistic and partisan cycles have occurred in the management of the budgets of Brazilian municipalities after the end of the military government.

Personalized public transportation information

Thesis to obtain the Master of Science Degree in Computer Science and Engineering

How to link organizational competences in public organizations?

Comunicação apresentada na 17ª Conferência Anual da Network of Intitutes and Schools of Public Administration (NISPA) em Birdua, Montenegro de 14 a 16 dem Maio de 2009.

Fostering e-participation sustainability through a BPM-driven semantic model

According to a recent Eurobarometer survey (2014), 68% of Europeans tend not to trust national governments. As the increasing alienation of citizens from politics endangers democracy and welfare, governments, practitioners and researchers look for innovative means to engage citizens in policy matters. One of the measures intended to overcome the so-called democratic deficit is the promotion of civic participation. Digital media proliferation offers a set of novel characteristics related to interactivity, ubiquitous connectivity, social networking and inclusiveness that enable new forms of societal-wide collaboration with a potential impact on leveraging participative democracy. Following this trend, e-Participation is an emerging research area that consists in the use of Information and Communication Technologies to mediate and transform the relations among citizens and governments towards increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making. However, despite the widespread efforts to implement e-Participation through research programs, new technologies and projects, exhaustive studies on the achieved outcomes reveal that it has not yet been successfully incorporated in institutional politics. Given the problems underlying e-Participation implementation, the present research suggested that, rather than project-oriented efforts, the cornerstone for successfully implementing e-Participation in public institutions as a sustainable added-value activity is a systematic organisational planning, embodying the principles of open-governance and open-engagement. It further suggested that BPM, as a management discipline, can act as a catalyst to enable the desired transformations towards value creation throughout the policy-making cycle, including political, organisational and, ultimately, citizen value. Following these findings, the primary objective of this research was to provide an instrumental model to foster e-Participation sustainability across Government and Public Administration towards a participatory, inclusive, collaborative and deliberative democracy. The developed artefact, consisting in an e-Participation Organisational Semantic Model (ePOSM) underpinned by a BPM-steered approach, introduces this vision. This approach to e-Participation was modelled through a semi-formal lightweight ontology stack structured in four sub-ontologies, namely e-Participation Strategy, Organisational Units, Functions and Roles. The ePOSM facilitates e-Participation sustainability by: (1) Promoting a common and cross-functional understanding of the concepts underlying e-Participation implementation and of their articulation that bridges the gap between technical and non-technical users; (2) Providing an organisational model which allows a centralised and consistent roll-out of strategy-driven e-Participation initiatives, supported by operational units dedicated to the execution of transformation projects and participatory processes; (3) Providing a standardised organisational structure, goals, functions and roles related to e-Participation processes that enhances process-level interoperability among government agencies; (4) Providing a representation usable in software development for business processes’ automation, which allows advanced querying using a reasoner or inference engine to retrieve concrete and specific information about the e-Participation processes in place. An evaluation of the achieved outcomes, as well a comparative analysis with existent models, suggested that this innovative approach tackling the organisational planning dimension can constitute a stepping stone to harness e-Participation value.

Business intelligence no suporte às autarquias locais e à sua gestão orçamental

Dissertação de mestrado integrado em Engenharia e Gestão de Sistemas de Informação

E-government e participação política em Portugal

Dissertação de Mestrado em MPA - Administração Pública

The political economy of international regulatory convergence in public utilities

To what extent should public utilities regulation be expected to converge across countries? When it occurs, will it generate good outcomes? Building on the core proposition of the New Institutional Economics that similar regulations generate different outcomes depending on their fit with the underlying domestic institutions, we develop a simple model and explore its implications by examining the diffusion of local loop unbundling (LLU) regulations. We argue that: one should expect some convergence in public utility regulation but with still a significant degree of local experimentation; this process will have very different impacts of regulation.

Reconsidering the analysis of the uses of ICTs by political parties : an application to the Catalan case

For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.

Sotilasyksikön integraatio – koulutuskulttuurien kohtaaminen ja konfliktit

Tutkimuksen kohteena on yksi sotilasyksikkö, Reserviupseerikoulun Esikunta- ja viestikomppania. Kyseisessä yksikössä koulutetaan reservinupseereita sotilaspo-liisi-, huolto-, johtamisjärjestelmä- ja komentopaikkatehtäviin. Sotilaspoliisilinja ja huoltolinja ovat liittyneet yksikköön vuoden 2014 lopulla. Tämä integraatio on saanut aikaan tiedonintressin koulutuslinjojen kulttuureihin liittyen. Tarkoituksena on selvittää miten linjojen koulutuskulttuurit poikkeavat toisistaan ja mitä kulttuurien integraatiossa tapahtuu. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on myös antaa suosituksia yksikölle mahdollisten kulttuuriristiriitojen ja konfliktien hallitsemiseksi. Tutkimus on luonteeltaan sosiaaliantropologista kauppatieteellistä kulttuurintutki-musta. Taustatieteinä ovat liiketaloustiede, antropologia, sosiologia ja osittain or-ganisaatiopsykologia. Tutkimusote on laadullinen ja aineiston hankinnan mene-telminä on käytetty yksikön kouluttajien haastatteluja ja osallistuvaa havainnointia. Tutkimusaineisto on analysoitu teoriaohjaavaa laadullista sisällönanalyysiä käyttäen. Analyysin tavoitteena oli tunnistaa erot integroituvissa koulutuskulttuureissa, ymmärtää eroista johtuvien konfliktien logiikkaa ja tarkastella kulttuurien vuotamisen logiikkaa. Esikunta- ja viestikomppanian koulutuskulttuurien erilaisuutta analysoitiin seuraavien teoriateemojen kautta: oppilaskäsitys, suhtautuminen upseerioppilaisiin, artefaktit (koulutusmenetelmät), arvot, asenteet ja kouluttamisen syväoletukset. Koulutuskulttuurien kohtaamista analysoitiin psykologisen omistajuuden, reviirikäyttäytymisen ja kulttuurin vuotamisen teorioiden kautta. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että kulttuurilla todella on merkitystä sotilasorganisaa-tion integraatiotilanteessa. Esikunta- ja viestikomppanian koulutuskulttuureissa on havaittavissa huomattavia eroja, mutta myös samankaltaisuuksia. Kulttuurien erot johtavat ristiriitaisuuksiin, konflikteihin, reviirikäyttäytymiseen ja saavat ihmiset osoittamaan mieltään eri tavoin. Toisaalta kulttuuripiirteillä on myös taipumusta vuotaa ympäristöön nopeuttaen uusien organisaation osien sopeutumista. Johtajan rooli kulttuurien hallinnassa on keskeinen. Johtajan oma kulttuuriorientaatio voi johtaa konflikteihin, mutta toisaalta myös ratkaista niitä. Tärkeimpänä johtopäätöksenä on, että suuressa sotilasyksikössä kannattaisi laatia strategia eli suunnitelma kulttuurin johtamista varten silloin, kun integraatio on tapahtumassa. Strategian avulla voidaan ottaa kantaa useisiin kulttuurillisiin ristiriitoihin, joita siis Esikunta- ja viestikomppaniankin tapauksessa ilmenee. Koko yksikön henkilöstä kannattaisi sitouttaa ja ottaa mukaan strategian laadintaan. Strategia selventäisi esimerkiksi yksikön arvoja, visiota, missiota, tehtäviä, erilaisten linjojen erityisasemaa ja poikkeuksia, haluttua ja toivottua toimintaa ja asennetta, palkitsemiskäytäntöjä, toisin sanoen kulttuurin eri tekijöitä. Strategia ei ole vain liiketaloudellinen tulosyksikön pitkän tähtäimen pakollinen työkalu, vaan myös sotilasorganisaation kulttuurin johtamisen väline.

The origins of federal public enterprises in Canada: an appraisal of two approaches

The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Towards a just community: an examination of the development of cultural citizenship rights in Canada from a communitarian perspective

The notion of citizenship, while a basic human right, has come under scrutiny. It was once assumed a liberal inspired regime of citizenship rights would reign as the primary ideological perspective in the Western world, however this has not been the case. Numerous competing paradigms have questioned the premise upon which liberal guarantees of citizenship rights are based. In particular, communitarianism has subjected liberal rights discourse to a closer examination. Communitarian theory holds that universalist principles negate any articulation of community and its internal diversity, such as cultural citizenship. It is this understanding of citizenship that has taken hold in Canada. The Canadian political experience illustrates a number of attributes associated with communitarian thought. It is a collectivist society that articulates a notion of the common good, acknowledges the internal diversity of its citizens and possesses a highly developed deliberative democratic process. To this end, Canada can be described as being more communitarian than liberal in nature in the process it has adopted to address citizenship rights. However, the type of commuIiitarianism displayed in Canada differs from the political models examined by such scholars as Michael Sandel, Iris Marion Young or Will Kymlicka. Cultural citizenship rights are fluid and malleable in Canada. While no clear guarantees of citizenship rights exist, there is a common commitment by Canadians to engage in a fair, open and inclusive deliberative process. This model is unique to Canada; it cannot be exported in that it is a product of Canadian political culture. As a result, the contemporary demands of cultural citizenship are dealt with effectively and democratically in Canada in that the proper mechanisms for public deliberation exist.