388 resultados para Unification


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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar uma tradução comentada e anotada, para a língua portuguesa, de Il Decameroncino [O pequeno Decameron], do escritor italiano Luigi Capuana (1839-1915), obra publicada em 1901 na Itália. Juntamente a esta tradução comentada, apresentamos um estudo sobre o papel desempenhado por Capuana tanto na literatura, quanto na cultura italiana, tendo se destacado como uma das personalidades que mais contribuíram para a modernização e a atualização da literatura de seu país, através da participação ativa nos debates que se fizeram após o advento da Unificação Italiana.

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A presente tese apresenta uma proposta de mudança lógico-epistemológica na abordagem do tema da realização dos direitos humanos universais: de uma lógica binária de conformidade jurídica para uma lógica de graus de compatibilidade jurídica. Realiza, ainda, uma exposição sobre a obra de Mireille Delmas-Marty, com foco na doutrina do pluralismo ordenado, cuja noção enfrenta o desafio lógico que é conciliar a universalidade dos direitos humanos com a diversidade cultural. A tese apresenta o pluralismo ordenado estruturado sobre o seguinte tripé: admitir, pensar e resguardar o múltiplo. Admitir o múltiplo é assumir que os limites do conjunto dos direitos humanos é difuso, impreciso, permeável. Pensar o múltiplo é rever as noções de tempo, espaço e hierarquia para os direitos humanos. Resguardar o múltiplo é forjar mecanismos que conciliem controle e flexibilidade, como a margem nacional de apreciação elaborada pela Corte Europeia de Direitos Humanos. A partir disso, a tese explora essa noção como uma espécie de margem de incerteza que exige transparência e zelo para a manutenção da ordem em um contexto plural. Ademais, aponta os critérios comumente utilizados para a verificação da extensão da margem: destacadamente parâmetros relacionados à natureza do direito em questão, à construção de uma jurisprudência internacional e à identificação de uma harmonia entre as legislações nacionais. Este tripé conduz a um projeto de harmonização jurídica em escala global, norteada pelos direitos humanos, afastando, em regra, a pretensão de unificação normativa, sendo que o limite dessa harmonização encontra-se nos crimes contra a humanidade, em razão da violação da diversidade dos seres humanos. A presente tese demonstra que essa necessidade de mudança lógica está em sintonia com as transformações ocorridas nas últimas décadas na ciência e na filosofia da lógica. Apresenta a lógica difusa como ícone do rompimento com o princípio binário da lógica clássica e como fundamento para a mudança da perspectiva de conformidade para graus de compatibilidade. Defende, por fim, um pluralismo lógico, em que teorias clássica e não clássica devem ser consideradas como ferramentas a serem aplicadas a diferentes desafios.

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Like many of her female contemporaries, artist Sari Dienes’s contributions to the art historical dialogue have been largely overlooked in favor of her male counterparts. Often seen as a mentor and mother figure to neo-Dada artists Jasper Johns and Robert Rauschenberg, Dienes was an active member of the New York avant-garde circle surrounding composer/choreographer duo John Cage and Merce Cunningham in the 1950s and 1960s. These social relationships are central to the existing discourse on Sari Dienes, while her work remains little discussed. The fact that her dynamic, ever-changing style lacked aesthetic consistency was commonly lamented by notable figures such as Betty Parsons, however, I argue that Dienes’s diverse oeuvre is unified by her philosophies on art and life. The unification of art and life, denoted clearly by Dienes’s use of the found object, experimentation and chance happenings, and sensory experience, marks her as an innovator and catalyst in the neo-Dada movement as well as in other experimental art endeavors that took place in the aftermath of Abstract Expressionism.

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El proceso de unificación europea ha facilitado la aparición de nuevos flujos migratorios entre los distintos Estados. Uno muy significativo lo forman los noreuropeos (británicos y alemanes, principalmente) que se trasladan a los países mediterráneos. En este artículo se analizan los problemas que enfrentan los inmigrantes residenciales noreuropeos en el sur de España a la hora de establecer vínculos con la sociedad española. Con este fin, se lleva a cabo un estudio en el municipio de San Miguel de Salinas, ubicado en el sudeste del país. La perspectiva metodológica articula la investigación cuantitativa con la cualitativa. Los hallazgos obtenidos muestran cómo la barrera idiomática esconde en realidad un entramado de relaciones entre aspectos socioespaciales, políticos y económicos. Se configura así un sistema que dificulta el establecimiento de interacciones entre los residentes españoles y los noreuropeos, generando además procesos de fragmentación social.

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Observations of magnetars and some of the high magnetic field pulsars have shown that their thermal luminosity is systematically higher than that of classical radio-pulsars, thus confirming the idea that magnetic fields are involved in their X-ray emission. Here we present the results of 2D simulations of the fully coupled evolution of temperature and magnetic field in neutron stars, including the state-of-the-art kinetic coefficients and, for the first time, the important effect of the Hall term. After gathering and thoroughly re-analysing in a consistent way all the best available data on isolated, thermally emitting neutron stars, we compare our theoretical models to a data sample of 40 sources. We find that our evolutionary models can explain the phenomenological diversity of magnetars, high-B radio-pulsars, and isolated nearby neutron stars by only varying their initial magnetic field, mass and envelope composition. Nearly all sources appear to follow the expectations of the standard theoretical models. Finally, we discuss the expected outburst rates and the evolutionary links between different classes. Our results constitute a major step towards the grand unification of the isolated neutron star zoo.

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This article uses data from the social survey Allbus 1998 to introduce a method of forecasting elections in a context of electoral volatility. The approach models the processes of change in electoral behaviour, exploring patterns in order to model the volatility expressed by voters. The forecast is based on the matrix of transition probabilities, following the logic of Markov chains. The power of the matrix, and the use of the mover-stayer model, is debated for alternative forecasts. As an example of high volatility, the model uses data from the German general election of 1998. The unification of two German states in 1990 caused the incorporation of around 15 million new voters from East Germany who had limited familiarity and no direct experience of the political culture in West Germany. Under these circumstances, voters were expected to show high volatility.

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Three letters written from Tudor to his family from London. Among the subjects about which he writes include the fruit and vegetable bushes and seeds he is sending to Rockwood, the family estate, as well as his impressions of London society and weather. He also writes about political issues, including the Napoleonic Wars, unification in Ireland, and the challenges of being an American in trade in England.

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Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Cultura e Comunicação), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2016

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the economic basis of mass support for, and opposition to the European Community. In other words the main question is: to what extent, and in what ways, is popular support or opposition to the EC dependent upon economic circumstances and considerations? Behind this research question lies the matter of the legitimacy of the EC in the eyes of citizens across Europe. In some respects the results of this study are frustrating and inconclusive. In other respects, however, the results suggest some clear generalizations and conclusions. First, we have found rather little evidence that the EC or European unification are evaluated in primarily economic terms. Secondly, support seems to be associated more strongly with social and attitudinal variables of a non-economic kind. Thirdly, the figures suggest that diffuse and somewhat idealistic reasons for supporting unification and EC membership tend to outweigh more specific reasons. Fourthly, a solid foundation of inertia, custom, and national tradition seem to maintain support and make it grow.

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On 2 February, the regional authorities in Gagauzia - an autonomous region of the Republic of Moldova - carried out two simultaneous referenda. In the first, local residents were asked to declare their support for the country’s integration either with the EU or with the Moscow-led Customs Union (CU); the second referendum sought their opinion on the draft law “On the deferred status of the Autonomous Region of Gagauzia”. Under the proposed legislation, if Moldova were to lose its sovereignty (for example, through the unification of Moldova and Romania, or even as some politicians have argued, through Moldova’s further integration with the EU), the autonomous region would automatically become the independent Republic of Gagauzia. As expected, the outcome of the vote has shown overwhelming support for both the CU and for the draft law. According to the figures released by Gagauzia’s Central Electoral Commission, 98.5% of the voters supported Moldova’s integration with the Customs Union, while 98% voted in favour of the ‘deferred independence’ bill. Support for closer integration with the EU was marginal, reaching just over 2%. Despite the one-sided outcome of the referendum, there is no reliable evidence to suggest that the ballot was rigged. It should also be noted that voter turnout was very high, reaching about 70%. Representatives of the Moldovan Central Electoral Commission, however, believe that the figure may have been artificially inflated by excluding many of the voters currently residing abroad from the count.

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In the post-war era, Germany has undergone a deep change almost like clockwork every two decades. In 1949, the foundations were laid for the establishment of the two German states: the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic; 1968–1969 was the time of the student revolt as a harbinger of the democratisation and liberalisation of society; and in 1989–1990, the process of unification took place, with all its consequences. Two decades later, another deep revision of the values is happening, as a consequence of which Germany is bidding a final farewell to the post-war epoch and its inherent certainties: its advancing society, the homogeneous national state and the faith in Europe as a solution to the ‘German question.’ This revision will not be revolutionary. However, as with the previous turning points, Germany is becoming a different state and a different society, which Europe will have to build its relations with anew.

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The regions of Ukraine are strongly diversified. These differences are subject to historical conditions and attempts at unification which have been made over the past seventy years have proven that these differences will be impossible to reduce in the foreseeable future and will continue to bear an impact on Ukraine’s domestic policy. Western Ukraine (Eastern Galicia and Volhynia) is a peripheral region in economic, political and cultural terms. Although it accounts for approximately 14% of Ukraine’s territory and 15% of the country’s population live there, the region generates only around 10% of the country’s GDP. Its metropolis, Lviv, Ukraine’s seventh largest city, was traditionally among the key centres in the nation’s history. However, its role in an independent Ukraine has been marginalised partly due to the fact that a significant part of its elite moved to Kyiv. This is also the most ethnically homogeneous region, where Russian speakers make up rather a small part of the population.

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In the run-up to the Greek elections on January 25th and the subsequent renegotiation of the country's economic adjustment programme with the troika, Daniel Gros writes in this Commentary that "nobody officially wants Grexit": not Syriza, which wants Greece to stay in the euro. It is ‘only’ asking for a reduction in Greece’s official debt and an end to austerity. The German government also does not favour Grexit because European unification remains the central project for German policy-makers across all mainstream parties. Only some protest parties and vocal economists think Greece (and Germany) would better off with a new Drachma. In his view, the substantive issues are thus the demands for a reduction of the official debt of Greece and an end to austerity, both of which he describes as eminently fudgeable. In any event, change in policy will be minor if a Syriza government is as successful in fulfilling its promise to spend as the previous government was in promising not to spend.

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Recently, increasing numbers of new German firms have begun to break from tradition and refuse to join employers' associations. Simultaneously, an unprecedented portion of affiliates have begun to reconsider employers' association membership. The spectre of declining membership in German employers' associations-century-old pillars of organized capitalism-is particularly noteworthy because of the importance of these institutions to the German economy as a whole. Some observers have attributed this trend to the impact of German unification, yet a careful analysis reveals that its principal causes arose in the decade preceding it. The economic strain of unification, however, has accelerated "association flight'' and has provided dissidents with an unprecedented opportunity to challenge the hegemony of employers' associations over the regulation of wages and working conditions in the Federal Republic.

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Through a case study of the diffusion of the celebrated West Gennan "dual system" of vocational training to the territory of the fonner German Democratic Republic, we develop the argument that local sociopolitical relations matter crucially for the successful transfer and implementation of institutional arrangements. Notwithstanding massive levels of government funding, the presence of complementary supports, and the concerted efforts of Ger­many's social partners, the dual system is experiencing significant difficulties in the new federal states of the East. These difficulties are not due simply to the particular politics of unification (the wholesale transfer of West German institutions whether or not they were appropriate to Eastern Germany) nor even simply to the paucity of dynamic private firms capable of and willing to train new apprentices. The difficulties stem also from the under­ lying weaknesses of the East German sociopolitical infrastructure on which the entire dual system rests. This. hy­ pothesis is elaborated and substantiated through a range of data on training in the East and especially through the use of detailed case studies of Leipzig and Chemrutz.