967 resultados para State policies


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"The general purpose of this handbook is to inform our clients (internal and external) of the policies governing all grants awarded from the Illinois State Board of Education, to communicate with our clients, the procedures and guidelines, to ensure sound accounting practices and to provide consistency throughout the State Board in the administration of grants. The procedures and guidelines do not supersede the rules and regulations governing each specific program."--P. 2.

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In addition to the development and implementation of an Illinois Suicide Prevention Strategic Plan, the alliance was charged with reviewing the statutorily prescribed missions, policies and procedures of the Illinois departments of Public Health, Human Services and Aging and the State Board of Education. This report is a compilation of that review and includes recommendations to incorporate suicide prevention in the missions, policies and procedures of these state agencies.

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Commonly known as the Quattlebaum report.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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The topic of this study is Washington State vehicle surplus and whether a higher yield on tax payer investment in the purchase, sale and use of state motor vehicles can be achieved. The hypothesis that will be addressed is: Can Washington State create a higher return on investment from tax payer dollars by donating vehicles to automotive training programs? I explore this topic by asking, a) What is the current policy? b) What is the perception of automotive educators on that policy? c) What are the returns currently and could they be improved through policy change? The methodology for testing is by obtaining quantitative data from the state and other entities on vehicle purchases, costs, and responses to surveys by automotive educators in the state. Qualitative data will be explored in context to the policies, and education then incorporating it into a Cost/Benefit analysis on the return on investment to taxpayers.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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In the UK there has been a proliferation of agencies at differing regulatory scales as part of the rescaling and restructuring of the state by New Labour, following the neoliberal policies of previous Conservative governments. This raises questions concerning the extent to which New Labour's urban state restructuring is embedded within neoliberalism, and the local tensions and contradictions arising from emergent New Labour urban state restructuring. This paper examines these questions through the analysis of key policy features of New Labour, and the in-depth exploration of two programmes that are reshaping urban governance arrangements, namely Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs) and New Deal for Communities (NDC) programmes. We conclude that New Labour's restructuring is best understood in terms of the extended reproduction (roll-out) of neoliberalism. While these “new institutional fixes” are only weakly established and exhibit internal contradictions and tensions, these have not led to a broader contestation of neoliberalism.

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The thesis compares two contrasting strategies employed with the aim of combating particular forms of racism within contemporary Britain. Both are assessed as political strategies in their own right and placed within the broader context of reformist and revolutionary political traditions. The sociology of social movements is examined critically, as are Marxist and post-Marxist writings on the role of human agency within social structures and on the nature of social movements. The history of the Anti Nazi League (ANL) in the late 1970s and its opposition to the National Front is considered as an example of anti-racist social movement based on the Trotskyist model of the United Front. The degree to which the Anti Nazi League corresponded to such a model is analysed as are the potential broader applications for such a strategy. The strategy with which the ANL is compared is the development of anti-racist and equal opportunities policies within local government in the 1980s, primarily by Labour-controlled local authorities. The theory of the local state and the political phenomenon of municipal socialism are discussed, specifically the role of various groups operating in and around local authorities in the formation and implementation of anti-racist policy and practice. Following this general discussion, two case studies in each of the areas of local authority housing, education and employment are explored to consider in depth the problems of specific anti-racist policies. In summation the efficacy of the two strategies are considered as parts of wider political currents in tandem with their declared specific objectives.

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This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.

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Technological capabilities in Chinese manufacturing have been transformed in the last three decades. However, the extent to which domestic market oriented state owned enterprises (SOEs) have developed their capabilities is not clear. Six SOEs in the automotive, steel and machine tools sectors in Beijing and Tianjin have been studied since the mid-1990s to assess the capability levels attained and the role of external sources and internal efforts in developing them. Aided by government policies, acquisition of technology and their own efforts, the case study companies appear to be broadly following the East Asian late industrialisation model. All six enterprises demonstrate competences in operating established technology, managing investment and making product and process improvements. The evidence suggests that companies without foreign joint venture (JV) collaborations have made more progress in this respect.

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The paper argues that the current emerging international development policies of the Visegrád (V4) countries are heavily influenced by the certain aspects of the Communist past and the transition process. Due to these influences, the V4 countries have difficulties in adapting the foreign aid practices of Western donors and this leads to the emergence of a unique Central and Eastern European development cooperation model. As an analytical background, the paper builds on the path dependency theory of transition. A certain degree of path dependence is clearly visible in V4 foreign aid policies, and the paper analyses some aspects of this phenomenon: how these new emerging foreign aid donors select their partner countries, how much they spend on aid, how they formulate their aid delivery policies and institutions and what role the non-state actors play. The main conclusions of the paper are that the legacies of the Communist past have a clear influence and the V4 countries still have a long way to go in adapting their aid policies to international requirements.