Metáforas del amor en la poesía de la Grecia antigua (I): la épica y la lírica arcaicas

Partiendo del concepto de metáfora cognitiva, que complementa al más conocido de metáfora literaria, y analizando la base conceptual que a ambas subyace, pretendemos un cuidadoso análisis de los textos de poesía épica y lírica arcaicas, sin olvidar la importancia fundamental del contexto cultural en que estos surgen, para obtener una mejor comprensión de la forma en que los griegos conceptualizaban el sentimiento amoroso.

El teatro de los poetas: de poesía y teatro en la Edad de Plata

«El teatro de los poetas». De poesía y teatro en la Edad de Plata es una tesis doctoral sobre el «teatro poético» español de finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del siglo XX. Aunque la bibliografía que atañe al género dramático del primer tercio de la centuria aumenta exponencialmente, son todavía muchos los aspectos que conviene investigar a fondo o proponer desde otras perspectivas. Uno de ellos y, sin duda, uno de los más relevantes, es el que atañe al objeto central de esta tesis: las relaciones entre poesía y teatro. Géneros ambos privilegiados durante la Edad de Plata, poesía y teatro no viven de espaldas sino en estrecha colaboración. El «signo lírico» que caracteriza, en palabras de Pedro Salinas, a la literatura española contemporánea se impone sobre todos los géneros literarios como «reacción idealista» frente al realismo positivista. Y esta influencia está determinada por el sincretismo de una época –el «fin de siglo», el simbolismo europeo, el modernismo en su acepción hispánica– marcada por una profunda crisis social, moral, espiritual y estética. El teatro no es ajeno a ese proceso de «poetización» y son varias las formas en que se manifiesta la interrelación entre la poesía y el drama como posibilidad de renovación escénica. El llamamiento que hizo Jacinto Benavente –en su famoso artículo titulado «El teatro de los poetas» (1907)– para que los poetas se sumasen a la tarea regeneradora de la escena tuvo importantes consecuencias y fue secundado por dramaturgos muy diferentes, desde Marquina y Villaespesa hasta Valle-Inclán y García Lorca. Pero no todos ellos asumieron esta necesidad de «poetización» con el mismo significado y en su mayor parte apostaron por un teatro escrito en verso, histórico y tradicionalista, que remedaba el teatro del Siglos de Oro y el drama romántico. El subgénero teatral que tradicionalmente se ha identificado con este fenómeno es el llamado «teatro poético», pero sus características temáticas y formales, así como sus particulares condiciones de producción, no se corresponden con la verdadera dimensión que tiene la presencia de la poesía en el teatro...

La poesía de Ángel González: Segundo tiempo

Para la cita de los poemas de Ángel González hasta Nada grave he empleado la quinta impresión de su obra completa, Palabra sobre palabra, publicada por Seix Barral en enero de 2008. No obstante, también he trabajado directamente sobre primeras ediciones1 de Muestra de algunos procedimientos narrativos y de las actitudes sentimentales que habitualmente comportan; Muestra, corregida y aumentada, de algunos procedimientos narrativos y de las actitudes sentimentales que habitualmente comportan, y de Prosemas o menos, aunque la referencia final contemple en todos los casos las páginas que ocupan en la obra conjunta. En el comentario de Otoños y otras luces, además de su ya mencionada obra completa, he consultado un ejemplar editado por Tusquets en febrero de 2002 (4ª edición); y para la reseña de su póstumo Nada grave, la primera edición de la Colección Palabra de Honor, publicada por Visor en mayo de 2008, unos meses después de la muerte del poeta. Los poemas titulados por el autor se citan en letra redonda entre comillas angulares («...»); sin embargo, en los casos en los que la composición carece de epígrafe he empleado el primer verso escrito en cursiva enmarcado con comillas inglesas (“...”). El sistema de cita se ajusta a la norma ISO 690-I, haciendo constar entre paréntesis el apellido del autor, el año de edición, y si procede, la/s página/s (AUTOR, AÑO: N.º PÁG.). Las obras firmadas por varios autores se señalan mediante la abreviatura VV.AA. separada del año mediante una coma (VV.AA., AÑO: N.º PÁG.). Si el nombre del autor se encuentra en el texto próximo a la cita, solo se indica el año y la página...

La poesía de Miguel Botelho de Carvalho. Estudio y edición de la "Fábula de Píramo y Tisbe" (1621) y "Rimas varias" (1646)

This doctoral thesis entitled “Miguel Botelho de Calvalho‟s Poetry. Study and edition of Fábula de Píramo y Tisbe (1621) and Rimas Varias (1646)” is born to approach Miguel Botelho de Carvalho‟s (1595-?) life and works. He was a Portuguese poet that lived during the Spanish monarchy reign (1580-1668) and is inexorably referred to in the works of Portuguese poets who wrote in Spanish during the 17th century. The works by this author of which we are certain were written from 1621 to 1646 – namely: an epyllion about the love affairs between Píramo and Tisbe (Fábula de Píramo y Tisbe, Madrid, 1621), a pastoral novel (Prosas y versos del pastor de Clenarda, Madrid 1621), as well as the works printed after his travel to India. This last period includes his narrative poem divided into six cantos, La Filis (1641) and another publication containing two works: a poetic anthology entitled Rimas varias and his approach to drama in Tragicomedia del martir d’Ethiopía (Ruán, 1646). Botelho de Carvalho is constantly being referred to among the critics, above all in general studies about that period. Few of them have delved into the author, nonetheless. The treatment given to writers who are included both in Portuguese and Spanish philosophical streams is still a niche to be explored nowadays and that highly contributes to a deeper knowledge of reality, which is on many occasions not looked at...

Tener hambre de luz y devorar una estrella: la poesía de J.E. Eielson

The present Doctoral Thesis is framed within the study of the poetry of the great Peruvian artist Jorge Eduardo Eielson (April 13, 1924 – March 8, 2006). In general terms, it focuses on the symbols that articulate both his literary productions and his work in the field of visual arts. Throughout this project, I used the principles of the modern semiotics as well the myth criticism theory developed by Gilbert Durand in his work The Anthropological Structures of the Imaginary as the basis. Following the assumption of considering Eielsońs work as an indivisible whole, in contrast to many studies that often attempted to analyse part of his creative work by privileging one medium over the others, I analyzed each symbol in all its forms, looked at its presence and relevance in his entire work and sought the archetypal level of each term. For this task, the works of Joseph Campbell and Mircea Eliade provided valuable guidances. At the beginning of this study I present a short author's biography, in order to help to understand the circumstances under which his poems were composed. (Let us remember that most of his books were published many years after their conception). Throughout this chapter, I have carefully considered the Lima period, his relationship with his first mentor, the anthropologist and writer José María Arguedas who introduced him to the knowledge of the ancient civilizations of Peru, his link with the literary circles of Lima and his first acknowledgments: the National Poetry Award (1944) and the National Drama Award (1948)...

Behagets betydelser : Döttrarnas edukation i det sena 1700-talets adelskultur

By the end of the 18th century the daughters of the nobility in the northern parts of Europe received a quite different kind of education from their brothers. Although the cultural aims of the upbringing of girls were similar to that of boys, the practice of the raising of girls was less influenced by tradition. The education of boys was one of classical humanistic and military training, but the girls were more freely educated. The unity and exclusiveness of the culture of nobility were of great importance to the continued influence of this elite. The importance of education became even greater, partly because of the unstable political situation, and partly because of the changes the Enlightenment had caused in the perception of the human essence. The delicate and ambitious hônnete homme was expected to constantly strive to a greater perfection as a Christian. On the other hand, the great weight given to aesthetics - etiquette and taste - made individual variation of the contents of education possible. Education consisted mainly in aesthetic studies; girls studied music, dancing, fine arts, epistolary skills and also the art of polite conversation. On the other hand, there was a demand for enlightenment, and one often finds personal political and social ambitions, which made competition in all skills necessary for the daughters as well. Literary sources for the education of girls are Madame LePrince de Beaumont, Madame d'Epinay, Madame de Genlis and Charles Rollin. Other, perhaps even more important sources are the letters between parents and children and papers originating from studies. Diaries and memoirs also tell us about the practice of education in day to day life. The approach of this study is semiotic. It can be stated that the code of the culture was well hidden from the outsider. This was achieved, for instance, by the adaptation of the foreign French language and culture. The core of the culture consisted of texts which only thorough examples stated the norms which were expressed as good taste. Another important feature of the culture was its tendency towards theatricalisation. The way of life was dictated by taste, and moral values were included in the aesthetic norms through the constant striving for modesty. Pleasant manners were also correct in an ethical perspective. Morality could thus also be taught through etiquette.

En förutbestämd sanning : Barnamord och delaktighet i 1700-talets Finland belysta genom kön, kropp och social kontroll

The study analyses the prevention or endorsing of the crime of infanticide in Finland 1702 1807, rather than the result. Also the impacts of the female body, biology of childbirth and experiences of pregnancy are examined, together with insights from modern medical research. Circumstances are reconstructed by a critical reading of judicial records on all levels of the judicial system. In all 269 cases of infanticide and 142 accessory crimes within the jurisdiction of the Turku court of appeal are studied, with particular focus on exceptionally well recorded cases of 83 accused women and 41 women and men accused of being party to the crime. Secondary sources are medical and jurisprudential writings, the public debate on infanticide, broadsheets and letters asking the King for pardon. Infanticide was considered murder by law. Unmarried women were predetermined as the main culprits. Nevertheless, deliberate infanticides were rare and committed mostly in accomplice. The majority of the infanticides studied were cases where inexperienced and unmarried women accidentally had given birth alone and usually to a dead child. Unaware that the pain they were experiencing was in fact a labour, the accused women instinctively sought solitude to push out the child. Some misunderstood the birth as an urgent need to defecate. The unexpected delivery ended in hiding the baby without remorse. This crime was promoted by several factors in Finnish rural culture, amongst others that also married women hid their pregnancy. The immediate household members did not necessarily know about the childbirth and failed to help the woman. This typical pattern in most cases of infanticide in 18th century Finland is also recorded in modern cases of unknown pregnancies. Fear of accountability prevented witnesses testifying to the actual course of events. The truth remained elusive. With only a few exceptions, the women were sentenced to death or imprisonment. The majority of those accused of accomplice were acquitted. However, too harsh sentences for accidents affected the reporting of the crime. Criminal politics failed to curtail infanticide as the crime was unsatisfactorily addressed by law, society and the judicial system.

Tiedettä Pohjantähden alla : Pohjoisen tutkimus ja Ruotsin tiedeseurojen suhteet Ranskaan 1700-luvulla

In the eighteenth century, the birth of scientific societies in Europe created a new framework for scientific cooperation. Through a new contextualist study of the contacts between the first scientific societies in Sweden and the most important science academy in Europe at the time, l Académie des Sciences in Paris, this dissertation aims to shed light on the role taken by the Swedish learned men in the new networks. It seeks to show that the academy model was related to a new idea of specialisation in science. In the course of the eighteenth century, it is argued, the study of the northern phenomena and regions offered the Swedes an important field of speciality with regard to their foreign colleagues. Although historical studies have often underlined the economic, practical undertone of eighteenth-century Swedish science, participation in fashionable scientific pursuits had also become an important scene for representation. However, the views prevailing in Europe tied civilisation and learning closely to the sunnier, southern climates, which had lead to the difficulty of portraying Sweden as a learned country. The image of the scientific North, as well as the Swedish strategies to polish the image of the North as a place for science, are analysed as seen from France. While sixteenth-century historians had preferred to put down the effects of the cold and claim a similarity of northern conditions to the others, the scientific exchange between Swedish and French researchers shows a new tendency to underline the difference of the North and its harsh climate. An explanation is sought by analysing how information about northern phenomena was used in France. In the European academies, new empirical methods had lead to a need for direct observations on different phenomena and circumstances. Rather than curiosities or objects for exoticism, the eighteenth-century depictions of the northern periphery tell about an emerging interest in the most extreme, and often most telling, examples of the workings of the invariable laws of nature. Whereas the idea of accumulating knowledge through cooperation was most manifest in joint astronomical projects, the idea of gathering and comparing data from differing places of observation appears also in other fields, from experimental philosophy to natural studies or medicine. The effects of these developments are studied and explained in connection to the Montesquieuan climate theories and the emerging pre-romantic ideas of man and society.

Kuluttaminen ja ylhäisaatelin elämäntapa 1700-luvun Ruotsissa

Consumption and the lifestyle of the high nobility in eighteenth-century Sweden This monograph is an analysis of the lifestyle, consumption and private finances of the Swedish high nobility during the eighteenth century (ca 1730 1795). It describes the lifestyle of one noble house, the House of Fersen. The Fersen family represents the leading political, economic and cultural elite in eighteenth-century Sweden. The analysis concentrates on Count Carl von Fersen (1716 1786) and his brother Count Axel von Fersen (1719 1794), their spouses and children. Carl von Fersen was a courtier whilst Axel von Fersen was an officer and one of the leaders of the Francophile Hat party. His son, Axel von Fersen the younger, was in his time an officer and a favourite of Gustavus III, King of Sweden, as well as a favourite and trusted confidant of Marie-Antoinette, Queen of France. The research is based upon the Fersen family s private archives, the Counts personal account books, probate inventories, letters and diaries. The study discusses the Fersens landed property and investments in ironworks and manufacturing, the indebtedness of the high nobility, high offices in civil administration, the militia and at court, as well as marriages as the foundations of noble wealth and power. It analyses the Count von Fersens revenue and expenditure, their career options and personal expenses, their involvement in the building and decorating of palaces, and the servants in service of the Fersen family as well as the ideal nobleman and his consumption. Central themes are inheritance, children s education, marriages and ladies preparing their trousseaux, the nobility ordering luxury goods from France, the consumption of Counts and Countesses before and after marrying and having children, the pleasures of a noble life as well as the criticism of luxury and sumptuousness. The study contributes to the large body of research on consumption and nobility in the eighteenth century by connecting the lifestyle, consumption and private finances of the Swedish high nobility to their European context. Key words: nobility, Fersen, lifestyle, consumption, private finances, Sweden, eighteenth century

"Secoituxesta järjettömäin luondocappalden canssa" : Perversiot, oikeuselämä ja kansankulttuuri 1700-luvun Suomessa

Bestiality was in the 18th century a more difficult problem in terms of criminal policy in Sweden and Finland than in any other Christian country in any other period. In the legal history of deviant sexuality, the phenomenon was uniquely widespread by international comparison. The number of court cases per capita in Finland was even higher than in Sweden. The authorities classified bestiality among the most serious crimes and a deadly sin. The Court of Appeal in Turku opted for an independent line and was clearly more lenient than Swedish courts of justice. Death sentences on grounds of bestiality ended in the 1730s, decades earlier than in Sweden. The sources for the present dissertation include judgment books and Court of Appeal decisions in 253 cases, which show that the persecution of those engaging in bestial acts in 18th century Finland was not organised by the centralised power of Stockholm. There is little evidence of local campaigns that would have been led by authorities. The church in its orthodoxy was losing ground and the clergy governed their parishes with more pragmatism than the Old Testament sanctioned. When exposing bestiality, the legal system was compelled to rely on the initiative of the public. In cases of illicit intercourse or adultery the authorities were even more dependent on the activeness of the local community. Bestiality left no tangible evidence, illegitimate children, to betray the crime to the clergy or secular authorities. The moral views of the church and the local community were not on a collision course. It was a common view that bestiality was a heinous act. Yet nowhere near all crimes came to the authorities' knowledge. Because of the heavy burden of proof, the legal position of the informer was difficult. Passiveness in reporting the crime was partly because most Finns felt it was not their place to intervene in their neighbours' private lives, as long as that privacy posed no serious threat to the neighbourhood. Hidden crime was at least as common as crime more easily exposed and proven. A typical Finnish perpetrator of bestiality was a young unmarried man with no criminal background or mental illness. The suspects were not members of ethnic minorities or marginal social groups. In trials, farmhands were more likely to be sentenced than their masters, but a more salient common denominator than social and economical status was the suspects' young age. For most of the defendants bestiality was a deep-rooted habit, which had been adopted in early youth. This form of subculture spread among the youth, and the most susceptible to experiment with the act were shepherds. The difference between man and animal was not clear-cut or self-evident. The difficulty in drawing the line is evident both in legal sources and Finnish folklore. The law that required that the animal partners be slaughtered led to the killing of thousands of cows and mares, and thereby to substantial material losses to their owners. Regarding bestiality as a crime against property motivated people to report it. The belief that the act would produce human-animal mongrels or that it would poison the milk and the meat horrified the public more than the teachings of the church ever could. Among the most significant aspects in the problems regarding the animals is how profoundly different the worldview of 18th century people was from that of today.

Eläinruumis - seuraeläin : Erittävä ruumis englantilaisessa lääketieteessä ja kohteliaisuuskulttuurissa 1700-1780

Tutkielmani tarkastelee käsityksiä ruumiista englantilaisessa kulttuurissa n. 1700-1780. Ruumiin historia on varsin uusi historiantutkimuksen ala ja sitä on leimannut feministinen tutkimusote, joka on keskittynyt diskurssiin naisen ruumiista ja seksuaalisuudesta. Itse kuitenkin lähestyn ruumista sen sivuutetun ulottuvuuden, ruumiineritteiden, kautta ja yhdistän käsitykset myös toiminnan tasolle. Tarkastelen erittävää ruumiista kulttuurihistoriallisesti sijoittamalla sen kahteen 1700-luvulla merkittävään kontekstiin: lääketieteeseen ja kohteliaisuuskulttuuriin. Tällä pyrin paitsi avaamaan ruumiiseen ja ruumiineritteisiin liittyvien käsitysten kirjoa myös osoittamaan näiden kahden kontekstin väliset vuorovaikutussuhteet. Lääketieteen ja kohteliaisuuskulttuurin puitteissa käsittelen erittävää ruumista mahdollisimman kokonaisvaltaisesti niin fysiologian, terveydenhoidon, hajujen, hy­gienian, aineellisen kulttuurin kuin sosiaalisten suhteiden kannalta, käyttäen lähteinäni mm. lääketieteellisiä tekstejä, kaunokirjallisuutta, matkakertomuksia, päiväkirjoja, kirjeitä, lehtiä ja muuta kohteliasta kirjallisuutta. Käsitykset erittävästä ruumiista osoittautuvat moninaisiksi, jopa ristiriitaisiksi. Toi­saalta lääketiede korostaa ruumiin avoimuutta ja eritteiden vapautta, toisaalta kohteliaisuus vaatii ruumiintoimintojen suhteen pidättyväisyyttä. Tämän moninai­suuden pohjalta kritisoin mm. Norbert Eliaksen sivilisaatioteoriaa ja osoitan näiden vastakkaisten käsitysten tilannesidonnaisuuden, joka mahdollistaa nii­den samanaikaisen olemassaolon. Kohteliaat herrasmiehet ja -naiset ovatkin kovin kiinnostuneita erittävistä ruumiistaan: ihmiset tarkkailevat eritteitään saadakseen tietoa ruumiin sisältä sekä toisten eritteitä karsiakseen kaiken eläimellisen ympäriltään ja kaunokirjallisuudessa ne ovat naurun ja huvituksen lähde. Vuorovai­kutus lääketieteellisen ja kohteliaan kulttuurin välillä osoittautuukin varsin tiiviiksi: kohteliaisuuden takana vaikuttavat periaatteet näkyvät myös lääketieteessä ja toisaalta lääketiede tunkeutuu mm. kohteliaaseen kieleen, hämärtäen näin kontekstien välistä rajaa.

En sjukdom af högst elakt släckte : Återfallsfebern på Sveaborg och i Karlskrona 1788-1790

Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

Schwalenberg (Lippe); Jewish Community Collection 1700-1859

Bernhard Lowe, September 1999 (no ackn.)