Os movimentos migratórios para a Europa : Implicações para a Segurança Nacional

Os recentes movimentos migratórios para a Europa decorrentes da atual crise de refugiados é dos temas mais debatidos na atualidade. A instabilidade em países de África e do Médio Oriente, associada a Estados frágeis, cujas instituições deixaram de exercer o efetivo controlo, desenvolvendo-se sob a forma de conflitos armados, muitas vezes fundamentados em radicalismos de natureza étnica, religiosa e ideológica, estão na base das principais causas que provocaram os recentes movimentos migratórios descontrolados e sem precedentes. Estes massivos fluxos migratórios, terão necessariamente repercussões a vários níveis quer sobre as populações deslocadas, quer sobre as comunidades de acolhimento. As migrações atuais adquirem novos contornos, que nos levam a inserir este tema na agenda de investigação dos estudos de segurança. É neste âmbito que surge a investigação intitulada “Os Movimentos Migratórios para a Europa – Implicações para a Segurança Nacional”, que tal como o tema sugere, tem como objetivo primordial apurar quais as principais implicações para a segurança de Portugal, decorrentes dos atuais movimentos migratórios para a Europa, acabando também por propor algumas medidas de nível estratégico e operacional que permitam minorar os impactos na segurança. Assim sendo, a metodologia utilizada nesta investigação tem por base o método de investigação hipotético-dedutivo, que para a validação ou não das respetivas hipóteses formuladas, recorreu-se à realização de entrevistas a entidades que muito têm a dizer sobre esta temática. Conclui-se com a presente investigação que, apesar de Portugal, não fazer parte dos principais destinos desta recente vaga de imigrantes, e de as consequências destes massivos movimentos migratórios não serem fáceis de prever a médio e longo prazo, o nosso país, como parte integrante da UE e signatário do acordo de Schengen, depara-se com um conjunto de ameaças de natureza global, que podendo ser potenciadas por este fenómeno, também podem colocar em causa a nossa segurança.

EVALUATING THE OIL SANDS RECLAMATION PROCESS: ASSESSING POLICY CAPACITY AND STAKEHOLDER ACCESS FOR GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS OPERATING IN ALBERTA’S OIL SANDS

By employing interpretive policy analysis this thesis aims to assess, measure, and explain policy capacity for government and non-government organizations involved in reclaiming Alberta's oil sands. Using this type of analysis to assess policy capacity is a novel approach for understanding reclamation policy; and therefore, this research will provide a unique contribution to the literature surrounding reclamation policy. The oil sands region in northeast Alberta, Canada is an area of interest for a few reasons; primarily because of the vast reserves of bitumen and the environmental cost associated with developing this resource. An increase in global oil demand has established incentive for industry to seek out and develop new reserves. Alberta's oil sands are one of the largest remaining reserves in the world, and there is significant interest in increasing production in this region. Furthermore, tensions in several oil exporting nations in the Middle East remain unresolved, and this has garnered additional support for a supply side solution to North American oil demands. This solution relies upon the development of reserves in both the United States and Canada. These compounding factors have contributed to the increased development in the oil sands of northeastern Alberta. Essentially, a rapid expansion of oil sands operations is ongoing, and is the source of significant disturbance across the region. This disturbance, and the promises of reclamation, is a source of contentious debates amongst stakeholders and continues to be highly visible in the media. If oil sands operations are to retain their social license to operate, it is critical that reclamation efforts be effective. One concern non-governmental organizations (NGOs) expressed criticizes the current monitoring and enforcement of regulatory programs in the oil sands. Alberta's NGOs have suggested the data made available to them originates from industrial sources, and is generally unchecked by government. In an effort to discern the overall status of reclamation in the oil sands this study explores several factors essential to policy capacity: work environment, training, employee attitudes, perceived capacity, policy tools, evidence based work, and networking. Data was collected through key informant interviews with senior policy professionals in government and non-government agencies in Alberta. The following are agencies of interest in this research: Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (CAPP); Alberta Environment and Sustainable Resource Development (AESRD); Alberta Energy Regulator (AER); Cumulative Environmental Management Association (CEMA); Alberta Environment Monitoring, Evaluation, and Reporting Agency (AEMERA); Wood Buffalo Environmental Association (WBEA). The aim of this research is to explain how and why reclamation policy is conducted in Alberta's oil sands. This will illuminate government capacity, NGO capacity, and the interaction of these two agency typologies. In addition to answering research questions, another goal of this project is to show interpretive analysis of policy capacity can be used to measure and predict policy effectiveness. The oil sands of Alberta will be the focus of this project, however, future projects could focus on any government policy scenario utilizing evidence-based approaches.

Organized Labor and U.S. Foreign Policy: The Solidarity Center in Historical Context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative “process-tracing” detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of “top-down” NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

Análisis de las sanciones internacionales en el marco del tratado de no proliferación nuclear. Estudio de caso: energía atómica en Irán (2006-2015)

El presente trabajo de Grado tiene como propósito examinar la incidencia de las sancionesinternacionales en el marco del régimen de no proliferación nuclear en el caso de Irán durante el periodo 2006-2015, teniendo en cuenta factores históricos de años anteriores. Se analiza y explica cómo las sanciones internacionales pueden ser una medida persuasiva por violar ciertos artículos del Tratado de no Proliferación Nuclear. Finalmente identifica y analiza los tipos de sanciones económicas, financieras y comerciales que los Estados y el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas le han impuesto a Irán, así como la manera en que estas han incidido en la esfera política iraní y mundial.

Estado Islámico: erosión de la estatalidad en Iraq y Siria y la aparición de una estatalidad paralela desde la proclamación del Califato hasta la caída de Kobane

El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la naturaleza del Estado Islámico y su impacto en la estatalidad y soberanía de Iraq y Siria. Se estudia y explica cómo ha sido la evolución y expansión del Estado Islámico y el impacto que este proceso ha tenido sobre Iraq y Siria generando de esta manera la aparición de una estatalidad paralela a través de la construcción de un aparato institucional por parte del Estado Islámico, lo que contribuye al desarrollo de un “para-estado”. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, finalmente se demuestra que en la evolución del Estado Islámico se logra crear una forma primitiva de Estado, adquiriendo poco a poco niveles de estatalidad, lo que lleva a que los Estados de Iraq y Siria pierdan atributos de estatalidad y de un Estado soberano.

Desafíos de la movilización social para generar transformaciones en las instituciones: la movilización fallida en Egipto periodo 2010-2013

Este estudio de caso busca evaluar los alcances y limitaciones que tiene la movilización social para lograr transformaciones en las instituciones a partir del estudio de la movilización social en Egipto durante el período 2010-2013. Se analiza y se explica en qué sentido las instituciones de movimiento lento, como las estructuras de poder y estructuras mentales, han frustrado lo acontecido en Egipto conocido como la primavera árabe. Siguiendo la perspectiva de las instituciones de Gérard Roland y Alejandro Portes, se avanza hacia el resultado de la investigación de que las instituciones de movimiento lento tienen en cuenta aspectos estructurales de una sociedad tales como el poder y la cultura. Por ello, no pueden ser cambiadas con facilidad ya que cuentan con bases sólidas que han sido construidas mediante procesos históricos fundamentados en ideologías y valores.

Análisis del cambio de las relaciones políticas entre India y Pakistán, a la luz de la cultura de anarquía hobbesiana, como consecuencia de los atentados de Mumbai 2008

Esta investigación busca analizar como se modificaron las relaciones entre India y Pakistán luego de los atentados de Mumbai 2008, a la luz de la cultura de anarquía hobbesiana. Para ello, se explicará como la estructura de anarquía ha sido un catalizador en la modificación de la toma de decisiones de los Estados, sobretodo teniendo en cuenta la característica de Pakistán como un Estado predador. Se demostrará si gracias a estos atentados la actuación de India en el conflicto ha cambiado y percibe a su par como un ente violento y predispuesto a la agresión. Para ello se entrará a explicar el devenir histórico de la relación, la intensidad del grupo perpetrador (Lashkar-e-Taiba) y las posiciones de ambos Estados frente a los atentados.

La cooperación internacional para el desarrollo como mecanismo de posicionamiento regional. Estudio de caso: cooperación sur-sur Turquía a los Balcanes durante el gobierno del akp (2003-2014)

El interés del presente Estudio de Caso es analizar la Cooperación Internacional Turca en un marco de Cooperación Sur – Sur con la Región de los Balcanes, específicamente con: Albania y Bosnia y Herzegovina. Entendiendo las dinámicas históricas que tiene la región con el Imperio Turco Otomano; las reformas internas realizadas por el partido AKP de Turquía y la fortaleza en política Exterior de éste evidenciada a través del Poder Blando de los Proyectos de Cooperación Internacional, se busca entender si la Cooperación sirvió como un mecanismo de posicionamiento como líder de Turquía en la región, ayudándole a autoproclamarse como tal utilizando mecanismos de exposición de habilidades, capacidades y recursos entre los años 2003 y 2014.

El dragón chino en Angola: la diplomacia cultural como una herramienta de construcción de identidad

El creciente interés de China por África ha modificado y estructurado una nueva política exterior, en donde el fortalecimiento de las relaciones políticas y económicas se ve ligado al uso de la diplomacia cultural como una herramienta de atracción. Teniendo en cuenta lo anterior, la presente investigación tiene por objetivo principal indagar cómo China construye una identidad a través de su diplomacia cultural en Angola, demostrando así, que este país utiliza sus costumbres, principios y normas para establecer una identidad de rol en la que se asume como una potencia que debe cooperar. No obstante, sus intereses van más allá de la cooperación al profundizar en relaciones de confianza que lo beneficien política y económicamente. Haciendo un uso del concepto de Imperialismo, la investigación mostrará las limitaciones y los vacíos de la noción de identidad para explicar acciones chinas en Angola, mostrando cómo se hacen uso de herramientas imperialistas para un beneficio propio.

A complexity-based diagnostic on the democratic unity roundtable mud: problems and alternatives (2008-2016)

Este trabajo exploratorio estudia al movimiento político Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD), creada con el fin de oponerse la Gobierno socialista existente en venezuela. La crítica que este documento realiza, parte desde el punto de vista de la Ciencia de la Complejidad. Algunos conceptos clave de sistemas complejos han sido utilizados para explicar el funcionamiento y organización de la MUD, esto con el objetivo de generar un diagnóstico integral de los problemas que enfrenta, y evidenciar las nuevas percepciones sobre comportamientos perjudiciales que el partido tiene actualmente. Con el enfoque de la complejidad se pretende ayudar a comprender mejor el contexto que enmarca al partido y, para, finalmente aportar una serie de soluciones a los problemas de cohesión que presen

Las reformas emprendidas en Túnez de la mano del FMI y el BM ¿Precedente para la revolución de los Jazmines?”(1987-2010)

El estallido de la “Revolución de los Jazmines” cuestionó el éxito de un país que por más de dos décadas fue exaltado por el Banco Mundial (BM) y el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) por los logros alcanzados gracias a un programa de restructuración económica. Las exigencias e inconformidades de los manifestantes, que iban más allá de la falta de garantías democráticas, permitieron ver que el país sufría de problemas estructurales relacionados a los altos niveles de desempleo, la precariedad de la situación laboral y la desigualdad. Esta monografía pretende evaluar el papel que tuvieron las reformas económicas y en general el modelo de desarrollo que siguió Túnez de la mano del FMI y el BM, en el surgimiento y consolidación de las condiciones que dieron lugar a la Revolución de los Jazmines a finales del año 2010.

Effects of Varenicline in Adult Smokers: A Multinational, 24-Week, Randomized, Double-Blind, Placebo-Controlled Study

Background: Prevalence rates of smoking are rising in developing countries. Previous trials evaluating the efficacy and tolerability of the smoking-cessation medication varenicline have used largely participants of Caucasian origin. Objective: This study was conducted to evaluate the efficacy and tolerability of varenicline in populations of participants from Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East to investigate potential differences in the therapeutic response to varenicline. Methods: This multinational, randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled trial was conducted at 42 centers in 11 countries (Latin America: Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Venezuela; Africa: Egypt and South Africa; Middle East: Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Participants were male and female smokers aged 18 to 75 years who were motivated to stop smoking; smoked >= 10 cigarettes/d, with no cumulative period of abstinence >3 months in the previous year; and who had no serious or unstable disease within the previous 6 months. Subjects were randomized in a 2:1 ratio to receive varenicline 1 mg or placebo, BID for 12 weeks, with a 12-week nontreatment follow-up. Brief smoking-cessation counseling was provided. The main outcome measures were carbon monoxide confirmed continuous abstinence rate (CAR) at weeks 9 to 12 and weeks 9 to 24. Adverse events (AEs) were recorded for tolerability assessment. Results: Overall, 588 subjects (varenicline, 390; placebo, 198) were randomized and treated. The mean (SD) ages of subjects in the varenicline and placebo groups were 43.1 (10.8) and 43.9 (10.8) years, respectively; 57.7% and 65.7% were male; and the mean (SD) weights were 75.0 (16.0) and 76.7 (16.3) kg (range, 40.0-130.0 and 45.6-126.0 kg). CAR at weeks 9 to 12 was significantly higher with varenicline than with placebo (53.59% vs 18.69%; odds ratio [OR] = 5.76; 95% CI, 3.74-8.88; P < 0.0001), and this rate was maintained during weeks 9 to 24 (39.74% vs 13.13%; OR = 4.78; 95% CI, 2.97-7.68; P < 0.0001). Nausea, headache, and insomnia were the most commonly reported AEs with varenicline and were reported numerically more frequently in the varenicline group compared with the placebo group. Serious AEs (SAEs) were reported in 2.8% of varenicline recipients compared with 1.0% in the placebo group, with 6 subjects reporting psychiatric SAEs compared with none in the placebo group. Conclusion: Based on these data, varenicline was apparently efficacious and generally well tolerated as a smoking-cessation aid in smokers from selected sites in Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. ClinicalTrials. gov identifier: NCT00594204. (Clin Ther. 2011;33:465-477) (C) 2011 Published by Elsevier HS Journals, Inc.

Radiizonates arcuatus, a distinctive new miospore species from the Lower Carboniferous of Western Gondwana

A new species of trilete zonate miospores, Radiizonates arcuatus, is established for Lower Carboniferous Western Gondwanan forms hitherto ascribed misguidedly to Radiizonates genuinus (Jushko) Loboziak and Alpern (1978), a Russian Lower Carboniferous species. The latter binomen is, moreover, not a valid combination and is more correctly designated as Vallatisporites genuinus (Jushko) Byvsheva, 1980. R. arcuatus is, from records to date, confined to westerly parts of Gondwana (Brazil, North Africa and Middle East), in which it is characteristic of Early Carboniferous strata, albeit with some slightly older and slightly younger occurrences.

Suicide in urban New South Wales, Australia 1985-1994: Socio-economic and migrant interactions

Variation of suicide with socio-economic status (SES) in urban NSW (Australia) during 1985-1994, by sex and country or region of birth, was examined using Poisson regression analysis of vital statistics and population data (age greater than or similar to 15 yr). Quintiles of SES were defined by municipality of residence and comparisons of suicide by SES were adjusted for age and country (or region) of birth (COB), and examined by COB. Risk of suicide in females was 28% that of males for all adults and 21% for youth (age 15-24 yr). Suicide risk was lower in males from southern Europe, Middle East and Asia, and higher in northern and eastern European males, compared to the Australian-born. Risks for suicide increased significantly with decreasing SES in males, but not in females. The relationship of male suicide and SES was stronger when controlled for COB. For males, the relative risk of suicide, adjusted for age and COB, was 66% higher in the lowest SES quintile compared to the highest quintile, and 39% higher for youth (age 15-24 yr). For male suicide, the population attributable fraction for SES (less than the highest quintile) was 27%. Analysis of SES differentials in male suicide according to COB indicated a significant inverse suicide gradient in relation to SES for the Australian-born and those burn in New Zealand and the United Kingdom or fire. but not in non-English speaking COB groups, except for Asia. For Australian-born males, suicide risk was 71% higher in the lowest SES group (compared to the highest), adjusted for age. These findings indicate that SES plays an important role in male suicide rates among the Australian-born and migrants from English-speaking countries and Asia, and among youth; but not in female suicide, nor suicide in most non-English speaking migrant groups. Reduction in SES differentials through economic and social policies may reduce male suicide in lower SES groups and should be seen to be at least as important as individual level interventions. (C) 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Urban and rural suicide differentials in migrants and the Australian-born, New South Wales, Australia 1985-1994

We estimated risk of suicide in adults in New South Wales (NSW) by sex, country of birth and rural/urban residence, after adjusting for age; we also examined youth suicide (age 15-24 years). The study population was the entire population of NSW, Australia, aged greater than or equal to 15 years during the period 1985-1994. Poisson regression was used to examine the relationship between predictor variables and the risk of suicide, with the focus on migrant status and area of residence. A significantly higher risk of suicide was found in male migrants from Northern Europe and Eastern Europe/former USSR, compared to Australian-born males; a significantly lower suicide risk occurred in males from Southern Europe, the Middle East and Asia. In female migrants, those from UK/Eire, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe/former USSR and New Zealand exhibited a significantly higher risk of suicide compared to Australian-born females. A significantly lower risk of suicide occurred in females from the Middle East. Male migrants overall were at significantly lower risk of suicide than the Australian-born, while female migrants overall had a significantly higher risk of suicide than Australian-born females. Among migrant males overall, the rural-urban suicide risk differential was significantly higher for those living in non-metropolitan areas (RR = 1.9; 95% CI: 1.7-2.1). Suicide risk was significantly higher in non-metropolitan male immigrants from the UK/Eire (RR = 1.4; 95% CI: 1.1-1.7), Southern Europe (RR = 1.7; 95% CI: 1.2-2.4), Northern/Western Europe (1.5; 95% CI: 1.2-1.9), the Middle East (RR = 3.8; 95% CI: 1.9-7.8), New :Zealand (RR = 1.4; 95% CI: 1.0-1.8) and 'other' (RR = 2.6; 95% CI: 1.9-3.5), when compared to their urban counterparts. There was no statistically significant difference in suicide risk between rural and urban Australian-born males. For female suicide, significantly lower risk was found in female immigrants living in non-metropolitan areas who were from Northern/Western Europe (RR = 0.7; 95% CI: 0.4-0.96), as well as the Australian-born (RR = 0.7; 95% CI: 0.6-0.8), when compared to their urban counterparts. The non-metropolitan/metropolitan relative risk for suicide in female migrants overall was not significantly different from one. Among male youth there was a significantly higher suicide risk in non-metropolitan areas, with a relative risk estimate of 1.4 for Australian-born youth (95% CI: 1.2-1.5) and 1.7 for migrant youth (95% CI: 1.2-2.4), when compared with metropolitan counterparts. We conclude that suicide among migrant males living in non-metropolitan areas accounts for most of the excess of male suicide in rural NSW, and the significantly lower risk of suicide for non-metropolitan Australian-born women does not apply to migrant women. (C) 1999 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.