Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964

This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.

Caste, class and Trade Unionism in India

The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).

Is social partnership the way forward for Indian trade unions? Evidence from public services in India

Trade unions in India find themselves excluded from the political process and marginalized in collective bargaining in the post economic reforms period since 1991. Influential policy analysts and academics alike have called upon Indian trade unions to engage in social partnership with employers as a route to regain influence and protect workers’ interests. Using survey and interview data from two large national trade union federations in Maharashtra India, this article examines whether social partnership is a viable option for Indian trade unions as an industrial relations approach. Findings indicate that despite a supportive labour regulatory framework which in theory should facilitate cooperative industrial relations, the ground realities of workplace employment relations coupled with state indifference and judicial interventions weakens labour’s prospects for meaningful social partnership.

Political parties and trade unions in the post-communist Poland:class politics that have never a chance to happen

Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long-term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long-term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.

Proceedings of the ... convention of the American Flint Glass Workers' Union.

Description based on: 39th (1915)

Marketing unions to young people : recruiting and ‘rusting on’

In light of declining trade union density, specifically amongst young workers, this paper explores how trade unions are servicing and organising young people. Our specific focus is the way in which trade unions market their services to the young. We use, as a lens of analysis, the services marketing literature and the concept of an ‘experience good’ to explore trade union strategies. Based on interviews with a number of Queensland union officials, it is clear unions see the issue of recruitment of young people as significant, and that resources are being targeted on the development of innovative strategies at least in some unions.

Daggy shirts, daggy slogans? marketing unions to young people

In light of declining trade union density, specifically among young workers, this article explores how trade unions recruit, service and organize young people. Our focus is the way in which trade unions market their services to the young. We use, as a lens of analysis, the services and social marketing literature and the concept of an ‘unsought, experience good’ to explore trade union strategy. Based on interviews with a number of union officials in the state of Queensland, it is clear that unions see the issue of recruitment of young people as significant, and that innovative strategies are being used in at least some unions. However, the research also indicates that despite union awareness, strategies are uneven and resource allocation is patchy. While the research was carried out in one state, the results and conclusion are broadly applicable to the Australian labour movement as a whole, and have implications for union movements in other Anglophone countries.

Civic engagement and associationalism : the impact of group membership scope versus intensity of participation

The relationship between participation in civic and political activities and membership of voluntary associations is now well established. What is less clear is the relative impacts of how much time people spend on group activities (associational intensity), and the number and type of groups that individuals are involved with (associational scope). Does it matter in terms of civic engagement, for example, whether one is a member of a quilting-circle or trade union? Does it matter whether association ‘membership’ is simply an annual payment or a major commitment of time and energy? In this article, we use a large survey to explore these questions empirically by focusing on the membership patterns and civic engagement practices of 4,001 citizens drawn from eight suburbs across Greater Melbourne, Australia. Our findings indicate that, while associational intensity is positively related to civic engagement, associational scope (the number of group memberships per person), is a more influential determinant of the level of civic and political participation. The results also suggest that while all forms of associationalism are important in terms of fostering greater levels of civic activity, not all forms have the same impact.

Decriminalization of Health and Safety at Work in Australia

ABOUT THE BOOK As the title Safety or Profit? suggests, health and safety at work needs to be understood in the context of the wider political economy. This book brings together contributions informed by this view from internationally recognized scholars. It reviews the governance of health and safety at work, with special reference to Australia, Canada, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Three main aspects are discussed. The restructuring of the labor market: this is considered with respect to precarious work and to gender issues and their implications for the health and safety of workers. The neoliberal agenda: this is examined with respect to the diminished power of organized labor, decriminalization, and new governance theory, including an examination of how well the health-and-safety-at-work regimes put in place in many industrial societies about forty years ago have fared and how distinctive the recent emphasis on self-regulation in several countries really is. The role of evidence: there is a dearth of evidence-based policy. The book examines how policy on health and safety at work is formulated at both company and state levels. Cases considered include the scant regard paid to evidence by an official inquiry into future strategy in Canada; the lack of evidence-based policy and the reluctance to observe the precautionary principle with respect to work-related cancer in the United Kingdom; and the failure to learn from past mistakes in the Deepwater Horizon disaster in the Gulf of Mexico. Intended Audience: Researchers; policymakers, trade union representatives, and officials interested in OHS; postgraduate students of OHS; OHS professionals; regulatory and socio-legal scholars.

Ageing Australian unions and the ‘youth problem’

Trade union membership, both in aggregate numbers and in density, has declined in the majority of advanced economies globally over recent decades (Blanchflower, 2007). In Australia, the decline in the 1990s was somewhat more precipitate than in most countries (Peetz, 1998). As discussed in Chapter 1, reasons for the decline are multifactorial, including a more hostile environment to unionism created by employers and the state, difficulties ·with workplace union organisation, and structural change in the economy (Bryson and Gomez, 2005; Bryson et a!., 2011; Ebbinghaus et al., 2011; Payne, 1989; Waddington and Kerr, 2002; Waddington and Whitson, 1997). Our purpose in this chapter is to look beyond aggregate Australian union density data, to examine how age relates to membership decline, and how different age groups, particularly younger workers, are located in the story of union decline. The practical implications of this research are that understanding how unions relate to workers of different age groups, and to workers of different genders amongst those age groups, may lead to improved recruitment and better union organisation.

Building and Construction Trades Unions: Are They Built to Win?

[Excerpt] The evidence of labor's declining power in the economic and political arenas is increasingly clear. Despite the tenacious efforts of talented leaders over the past ten years, the labor movement has still failed to turn the proverbial cornet. Some labor leaders now believe that a dramatic change in strategic direction may be necessary to revitalize labor's fortunes. The emerging debate about labor's future touches every sector of the movement. The building and construction trades are no exception.

Käsityöläisyyden kuva kultasepän ammatissa : Käsityöläisyys Suomen Kultaseppien Liiton lehdessä 1990-luvun lopussa

The aim of this study is to survey the meaning of craftmanship in goldsmith occupation. The image of craftmanship is built theoretically as well as researcher's own practical experience. The study describes a dialogue between self-employed goldsmith s everyday work and trade union's opinion. Suomen Kultaseppien Liitto (The Goldsmith Assosiation of Finland) was chosen forthe trade union, because it is the biggest, the oldest and the most influential on the occupational area. The research data are volumes 1995 - 1998 of occupational membership journal of Suomen Kultaseppien Liitto. The data analyzed with Adapted Content Analysis and Grounded Theory. The professional occupation of goldsmiths, the role of craftmanship and the future of the occupation are discussed. Additionally, the relationship between the Suomen Kultaseppien Liitto and occupational culture and profession of goldsmiths was studied. Craft and craftmanship is most often discussed in articles related to tradition and education.Craftmanship is understood very idealistically, with little meaning in practical life. St. Eligius and the skill and art of goldsmiths in St Petersburg are raised to symbols of craftmanship. The occupational image is broken and a clear conflict between education and occupation is visible. Education produces artist-craftsmen, while handicraft workers are required in industry, and retailers or specially trained store assistant in business. Computer-aided design and manufacture render handicraft workmanship unnecessary. In a pessimistic view, the future possibilities of the goldsmith occupational profession are dim, because the artist-craftsmen are bound to lose to fast-paced machines. On the other hand, people involved in goldsmith education see the future light, designer-goldsmiths developing the occupational to new dimensions. Suomen Kultaseppien Liitto represents goldsmiths in public. The union, however is governed by non-artisan goldsmiths. The union stresses business attitudes and enterpreneurship, and has succeeded in protecting the privileges of retailers and industry. Goldsmiths profession is seen in the research data as a combination of precious-metal industry, jewellery and watch stores, anda goldsmith shop is considered a specialized giftstore. The goldsmiths occupation is not a profession, and the Suomen Kultaseppien Liitto is not a trade union for artist and craftmen. Accordingly, part of the representative authority of the union could be transferred from the Association to Taidekäsityöläiset Taiko ry, a member of organization of Ornamo. Results of this study show the importance of defining the images of the goldsmith occupational profession and the trade union. The results could be applied to goldsmith education to examine what would be the optimal education and training for present employment opportunities. The important background theories has been the theories of Habermas and Lévi-Strauss.

"Politiikka on kirkossa" : Keskustapuolueen kirkkopoliittisten tavoitteiden muotoutuminen vuosina 1966–1978

This study in church history deals with the formation of aims in the church politics of the Centre Party during a period of extensive politicisation in Finnish society – 1966 to 1978. The focus is on the processes of creating political input within the party organisation. The most important source material consists of the records of the highest party organs as well as material from the party office and the party’s committee for church politics. In the late 1960s, at a time of leftist radicalism in Finnish society, issues concerning the Church were seldom dealt with in the highest party organs, even though informal discussion took place within the party. This phase was followed by a conservative reaction in society during the 1970s. The rightist trend as well as the ongoing politicisation process substantially strengthened the role of church politics in the party. An aim of great importance was to prevent those supporters who belonged to the Lutheran revival movements from moving into the Finnish Christian League. Therefore it became increasingly important to prove that the Centre Party was defending the Church as well as so-called Christian values in state politics, e.g., by advocating religious instruction in schools. The Centre Party also defended the independence and legal status of the Church, at the same time positioning itself against Finland’s Social Democratic Party. Many party members were of the opinion that the church politics should have been about defending the Church and Christian values in state politics instead of defending the proportional share of the party’s seats in the ecclesiastical decision-making system. Nevertheless, the struggle for hegemony between the Centre Party and the Social Democrats was reflected in the Evangelical Lutheran Church particularly since 1973. Thus the aims of church politics were increasingly directed towards ecclesiastical elections and appointments in the 1970s. To justify its activities in church elections, the party stressed that it was not politicising the Church. To the contrary, it was asserted that the church leaders themselves had politicised the Church by favouring the Social Democrats. These alleged efforts to affiliate the Church with one political party were strictly condemned in the Centre Party. But when it came to the political parties’ activity in church elections, opinions diverged. Generally, the issues of church politics resembled those of the party’s trade union politics in the 1970s.

Human parvovirus infections during pregnancy : Special reference to the child-care employees

Human parvovirus B19 (B19V) is known to cause anemia, hydrops fetalis, and fetal death especially during the first half of pregnancy. Women who are in occupational contact with young children are at increased risk of B19V infection. The role of the recently discovered human parvovirus, human bocavirus (HBoV), in reproduction is unknown. The aim of this research project was to establish a scientific basis for assessing the work safety of pregnant women and for issuing special maternity leave regulations during B19V epidemics in Finland. The impact of HBoV infection on the pregnant woman and her fetus was also defined. B19V DNA was found in 0.8% of the miscarriages and in 2.4% of the intrauterine fetal death (IUFD; fetal death after completed 22 gestational weeks). All control fetuses (from induced abortions) were B19V-DNA negative. The findings on hydropic B19V DNA-positive IUFDs with evidence of acute or recent maternal B19V infection are in line with those of previous Swedish studies. However, the high prevalence of B19V-related nonhydropic IUFDs noted in the Swedish studies was mostly without evidence of maternal B19V infection and was not found during the third trimester. HBoV was not associated with miscarriages or IUFDs. Almost all of the studied pregnant women were HboV-IgG positive, and thus most probably immune to HBoV. All preterm births, perinatal deaths, smallness for gestational age (SGA) and congenital anomaly were recorded among the infants of child-care employees in a nationwide register-based cohort study over a period of 14 years. Little or no differences in the results were found between the infants of the child-care employees and those of the comparison group. The annual B19V seroconversion rate was over two-fold among the child-care employees, compared to the women in the comparison group. The seropositivity of the child-care employees increased with age, and years from qualification/joining the trade union. In general, the child-care employees are not at increased risk for adverse pregnancy outcome. However, at the population level, the risk of rare events, such as adverse pregnancy outcomes attributed to infections, could not be determined. According to previous studies, seronegative women had a 5 10% excess risk of losing the fetus during the first half of their pregnancy, but thereafter the risk was very low. Therefore, an over two-fold increased risk of B19V infection among child-care employees is considerable, and should be taken into account in the assessment of the occupational safety of pregnant women, especially during the first half of their pregnancy.

Los dilemas de la acción colectiva global. Un estudio de caso : el movimiento sindical en el MERCOSUR (1991-2012)

Resumen: Este trabajo analiza la acción colectiva sindical postnacional en el MERCOSUR en un período histórico signado por profundas mutaciones políticas, económicas, y productivas sociales (1991-2012) a partir de los relatos y representaciones de sus protagonistas. El trabajo cualitativo intentará explicar la configuración del sindicalismo internacional en la globalización, y describir las estrategias del movimiento obrero mercosureño. La metodología cualitativa ilustra un trabajo de campo a partir de entrevistas en profundidad a 34 sindicalistas del Mercosur, y entrevistas adicionales a tres representantes de la Confederación Sindical de las Américas, dos empresarios del Mercosur, un especialista académico en la dimensión sociolaboral de la integración regional y un representante de la OIT en la región. La metodología de análisis e interpretación de dichas entrevistas ha sido la teoría fundamentada, entendida como la técnica más idónea de aprehender los procesos sociales a través de las voces de los líderes obreros, comprender su realidad, sus representaciones y sistema de valores, sus ideas y su acción colectiva. La literatura de los movimientos sociales en la globalización capitalista ha puesto el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos colectivos cuyos reclamos se concentran en el reconocimiento (Fraser y Honneth, 2006) de sus identidades que el modelo fordista de producción pareció invisibilizar y soslayar ante la primacía de las prácticas económicas y demandas distributivas. Esta tesis conjuga una perspectiva dualista y demuestra que las estrategias de reconocimiento y las reivindicaciones de redistribución de tipo clasista se resignificaron en el escenario postnacional a través de la Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur –CCSCS- (subregional) y, con un desarrollo menor: los Sindicatos Globales (FSI, GUFs) en la acción sectorial [1991-2012]. Para arribar al núcleo configurativo de sus representaciones y su sistema de valores, la investigación transitó por los sentidos y significados del trabajo, las mutaciones productivas y de las condiciones del trabajo, las teorías del fin del trabajo, la precarización y la representación de los trabajadores más frágiles: mujeres, jóvenes y migrantes. En un segundo orden se interpeló sobre la gobernanza mundial, los organismos internacionales, el régimen normativo internacional, la civilización capitalista, para luego abordar el estudio específico del Mercosur y la acción obrera en dicho proceso. El núcleo determinó que para los representantes obreros la acción colectiva sindical debe ser postnacional y su objetivo es limitar la globalización capitalista neoliberal. La CCSCS conformó desde sus inicios un movimiento capaz de elevarse al rango supranacional para representar la voz de los trabajadores del MERCOSUR. La pluralidad configuró su mayor virtud durante sus primeros 20 años, reconociendo una experiencia de aprendizaje de tolerancia y respeto, que ellos definen como la unidad en la diversidad. Esta entidad constituye un patrimonio único como paradigma del sindicalismo postnacional. Los sindicatos del Cono Sur adoptaron diversas modalidades de acción colectiva: a) reactiva (con repertorios de insubordinación, de lucha y resistencia al modelo neoliberal), b) proactiva (con repertorios de incidencia normativa en el MERCOSUR) y c) participativa (con repertorios de producción propositiva de incidencia en la dimensión social del MERCOSUR). Su acción colectiva reactiva, normativa y propositiva fue eficaz a mediano plazo para participar e incidir en el MERCOSUR, crear una dimensión social del bloque y dotar de derechos normativos a los ciudadanos de la región. Su acción tuvo un sentido político de gran poder instituyente, con capacidad movilización y alta exposición pública. Sin embargo, en la segunda década su lógica de construcción quedó subordinada a los procesos nacionales y a los partidos gobernantes, dejó de ser performativa y de creación política, dirimiéndose en la esfera social junto a otros movimientos sociales emergentes, y provocó un ciclo de desmovilización. Simultáneamente, emergió con fuerza otra modalidad de sindicalismo postnacional con la fusión y refundación de los Sindicatos Globales. Su acción sectorial contribuye a restaurar las demandas de distribución que habían quedado soslayadas, pero esta tesis manifiesta que los protagonistas afirman que sus marcos de acción colectiva deberán ser conjuntos para ser exitosa. El sindicalismo postnacional en el MERCOSUR se define a sí mismos como agente de desarrollo, protagonista del modelo socioproductivo, pero también como vehículo partícipe de la democracia y de una matriz sustentable de desarrollo