518 resultados para coalition dirigeante


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How can managers successfully access political rents by way of corporate political strategies (CPA)? Existing research has suggested several endogenous factors that correlate with CPA outcomes. I offer a more robust solution to this problem. Drawing on insights from the perspective of CPA as exchanges between firms and political decision-makers, and from the special interest politics of political economy, I develop and test a causal mechanism that links local elections, legislative bargaining and access to political rents at the national level. I conducted a natural experiment using regression discontinuity design and propensity score matching in municipal elections in Brazil to show that firms enjoy superior access to subsidized financing from the state-owned national development bank (BNDES) when they decide to invest in municipalities whose winning mayoral candidate is coalition-aligned with the national ruler. This effect fades away fades away as the level of competition in the local election decreases. The evidence implies that when managers bet on national coalition-aligned winners in close local elections, they positively affect CPA outcomes. I extend the exchange-based typology of corporate political strategies by offering a novel possibility of targeting voters with financial inducements, which I call a private local development strategy. Finally, these results show that firms exchange their project-execution capabilities for superior access to subsidized financing.

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This doctoral dissertation provides a detailed analysis of the Brazilian cabinet according to the concepts of a multiparty presidential system. Appointing politicians as ministers is one of the most important coalition-building tools and has been widely used by minority presidents. This dissertation will therefore analyze the high-level Brazilian national bureaucracy between 1995 and 2014. It argues that the ministries – or departments – are not equal, and that allied parties therefore take into account the different characteristics of a ministry when demanding positions as a patronage strategy or for use as other kinds of political assets. After reviewing the literature on the theme, followed by a comparative analysis of the Brazilian, Chilean, Mexican, and Guatemalan cabinets, all the Brazilian ministries will be weighed and ranked on a scale that is able to measure their political importance and attractiveness. This rank takes into account variables such as the budgetary power, the ability to spend money according the ministers’ will, the ability to hire new employees, the ministries’ influence over other governmental agents such as companies, agencies, and so on, the ministers’ tenure in office. Finally, a proxy is provided that seeks to identify the normative power a department may hold. All of these characteristics will then be taken into account in considering the representatives’ opinion, thus helping to ascertain whether the cabinet appointment has been coalescent among the several parties that belong to the president’s coalition.

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O objetivo desta Tese é compreender a atuação de partidos à esquerda do espectro político face à agenda de reformas da gestão pública. Especificamente, este estudo busca entender as motivações e interesses de governos liderados por partidos de esquerda ao expandirem e consolidarem parcerias com Organizações Sociais (OS) para provisão de serviços públicos – política voltada para a gestão pública, criticada por aqueles partidos e que contraria o interesse de parte de sua base social: o funcionalismo público. A pesquisa contribui para o debate ao intricar ao tema da gestão pública o debate político. Para alguns autores, esta é uma das principais lacunas dos estudos da área. Para atingir este objetivo foi realizado um estudo de casos múltiplos nos estados da Bahia e Pernambuco durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB). Dentre as experiências estaduais recentes, os casos selecionados se destacam pela rápida expansão das parcerias com OS. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que a expansão da parceria com as Organizações Sociais nos dois governos foi motivada pelas restrições orçamentárias, pela ineficiência dos equipamentos públicos e pelas características intrínsecas ao modelo, principalmente aquelas com poder de torná-lo mais ágil. A situação de grave crise setorial – saúde, nos dois casos estudados – foi fator chave para a expansão do modelo. A pesquisa também identificou que as resistências políticas foram minimizadas através da ampliação das alianças políticas e da distribuição de cargos e, para diminuir as resistências da base social dos partidos, os governos se aproximaram dos sindicatos e das categorias de classe mais afetadas por essa política de gestão.

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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The study is about youthful subjectivities in quarters, of the West Zone of Natal-RN, marked for lacks and contingencies that constitute the everyday life of the social existence of its young inhabitants. For this purpose the researchers selected two youth groups: the Association of Youths Constructing Dreams (in the quarter of Felipe Camarão) and Lelo Melodia Crew (Quarter of Guarapes). Both are articulated through the strategy of coalition in regional and national nets. The hypothesis is that inside the groups and nets new youthful citizens arises. That would be a change in the representation of poor youth: from 1980 s street children - young whose social stigma associated poverty and crime to late 1990 s kids of project (pointing their trajectory in social projects) or, in present days, called as young peripherals - for the enrollment in cultural movements, as the hip hop movement - These new young citizens are contributing to new social imagery significations on poor youths. The methodology encloses: a) focal group; b) participant research analyzing the making arts (ways to think, social daily practices, actions engaged in a diversity plans) of youth groups; c) life stories of some of the youngs produced in workshops; d) not structuralized interviews. d) several documents of the groups; e) local and national surveys. Results emphasize a feeling of opening to a project of autonomy in relation to a social system that leaves them in a situation of social precariousness. Conclusion remarks that such practices of the youthful groups through the art, leisure, sport and culture unfold politics effect so that can point innovative forms of politics participation on the part of this specific segment of poor youths of Brasilian country, although conflicts and paradoxes crosses individual citizens, youth groups and youth nets.

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Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

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The overall objective of this study is to analyze the efficiency in the use of resources and the quality of public health in the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte, from 2004 to 2008. It also seeks to identify the determinants of municipal inefficiency and measure the productivity of public spending on health. To this end, three methods of analysis are used: the DEA, the Malmquist index and the Tobit regression model. Among other findings, it appears that municipalities considered more inefficient in the measurement of expenditure on health make the largest expense in this function. On the other hand, from 2004 to 2008, only 13 municipalities showed an increase in the productivity of public spending. It is also noted that municipalities considered efficient in quality of health, although having more physical and human resources, offer fewer health services to the population. In all, the major determinants of health spending inefficiencies are the variables: age of the mayor, coalition, population density, literacy race and budget revenues. Regarding the inefficiency of the health quality, variables such as: coalition, literacy race have strong influence on this behavior. Thereby, the hypotheses proposed by the study have been fully accepted. In other words, for the efficiency of the quality and health spending it is needed more than resources, i.e., the expenditure shows itself as essential, but not enough, for political and economic aspects also interfere with the performance of spent and in the quality of health care offered to the population

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In the present study changes in nuclear area and chromatin distribution in the Malpighian tubules of a blood-feeding insect, the vector of Chagas' disease were analysed. Male and female adult insects were dissected, after a starving period of up to 28 days. The Malpighian tubules were fixed and stained by orcein lacto-acetic. The nuclei were analyzed by photomicrography, karyometry and a statistical analysis was performed. It was observed that with the increase of the starvation period there were alterations in the nuclear phenotype, that is, changes in the nuclear area and chromatin extenuation. In males, starting from the second week of starvation, chromatin extenuation was accentuated, and the beginning of nuclear coalition occurred more frequently in the third and fourth starvation weeks. In females, the accentuated chromatin extenuation was observed after the third starvation week, and irregularities in nuclear borders were more frequent. The descriptive statistical analysis of the male and temale nuclear areas revealed that the nuclear areas continued to increase during starvation reaching highest values in the third week. Another outstanding aspect is that in the third starvation week karyometry presented larger heterogeneity with higher standard deviation values for both genders. Therefore, nuclear alterations related to the distribution and extenuation chromatin and increase in nuclear area were observed. These aspects suggest the presence of nuclear metabolic mechanisms that lead to synthesis of specific proteins necessary for the protection and maintenance of the cell during physiologic stress.

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Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

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Includes bibliography

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This issue of Gender Dialogue focuses on Gender and HIV/AIDS. It highlights the main findings of a gender assessment of policies and programmes in selected Caribbean countries carried out by the ECLAC subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean in collaboration with UNIFEM. It also coincides with the launch of the Regional Coalition on Women and AIDS in November 2005.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Esta dissertação teve o objetivo de verificar se os alunos da EJA consideram que o uso de uma variedade linguística pouco valorizada tem efeito sobre a aprendizagem da matemática e refletir sobre a importância do respeito à variedade linguística do aluno da EJA, que pode servir de meio para se chegar à variedade estabelecida no espaço escolar, assim como para a aquisição da linguagem matemática. A discriminação linguística que se tem dentro do contexto escolar pode distanciar ou até mesmo negar o acesso aos conhecimentos escolares pelo fato de se retirar as referências de mundo que o aluno possui. O aprendizado da matemática no meio escolar está distante das variedades existentes e principalmente daquelas oriundas dos meios mais carentes economicamente. Analisa-se a possibilidade de uma ponte entre os conhecimentos matemáticos populares e os escolares, a partir do respeito à variedade usada pelos educandos. A pesquisa foi realizada em uma escola pública com uma turma da terceira etapa da EJA. A análise permitiu constatar que muitos dos problemas encontrados no aprendizado da matemática estão relacionados com aspectos referentes à discriminação da variedade linguística e dos conhecimentos matemáticos das classes populares no meio escolar. Como se vive numa sociedade altamente tecnológica, que é formatada por modelos prescritos pela classe dominante, a partir da linguagem matemática, então esse conhecimento é imprescindível para a compreensão e para uma possível transformação social. Contudo, a escola segue comportamentos determinados, com o objetivo de reproduzir e manter tal mentalidade dominante ao negar o acesso à linguagem matemática. A pesquisa aponta para um caminho que prevê um ensino/aprendizagem da matemática que se emancipe desse ideal de sociedade, pois assim poderá contribuir para uma melhor educação aos alunos da EJA e para uma possível transformação social.