Tractament lexicogràfic dels adjectius: aspectes a considerar

La informació gramatical més habitual de les entrades en un diccionari es basa quasi exclusivament en consignar la categoria sintàctica dels mots. Aquest plantejament suposa una parcel·lació massa vaga de les unitats lingüístiques, atès que en l'ús i la combinació entre elles hi entren en joc altres característiques, les quals porten a subclassificacions més precises a l'interior de les categories gramaticals. Un plantejament lexicogràfic que presenti un tractament detallat de les categories quant a les seves subclasses possibles és, a més d'útil en l'elaboració de diccionaris per a parlants de llengua estrangera, necessari també en diccionaris per a parlants natius de la llengua si, tal com és de suposar, l'ús que s'espera d'un diccionari va més enllà de la simple consulta del significat dels mots.En aquest article s'analitzen alguns dels punts que cal que els diccionaris tinguin en compte per a la descripció de l'ús real dels adjectius, es revisa quin és el tractament que reben en el diccionari pres com a font de referència (Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana (1994), d'Enciclopèdia Catalana) i s'esbossa una proposta de tractament per poder donar compte d'aquests aspectes. L'interès recau tant en qüestions d'ordre superficial dels constituents (la posició típica de les unitats), com aspectes sintàctics (la capacitat predicativa dels elements, la subcategorització de complements), així com també aspectes de tipus semàntic (la relació entre les denotacions de l'adjectiu i el substantiu, la facultat de graduabilitat dels adjectius).

Los Vocabularios de definición en los diccionarios de aprendizaje

Aquest article intenta examinar la importància d'un tipus determinat d'obra lexicogràfica per a usuaris estrangers: els diccionaris d'aprenentatge, els quals s'han de caracteritzar bàsicament per una transmissió dels significats assequible. El material recollit pretén repassar el contingut d'aquestes publicacions a la tradició anglosaxona i il·lustrar l'estadi inicial de la pràctica castellana a partir dels mètodes lexicogràfics que existeixen actualment des d'aquest punt de vista. Els resultats d'aquests estudis permeten valorar la importància de la compilació dels vocabularis de definició per intentar potenciar la branca de la lexicografia com a ajuda a la pràctica didàctica de l'aprenentatge de l'espanyol com a segona llengua.

Metodología del trabajo en neología: criterios, materiales y procesos

L'Observatori de Neologia, dirigit per la Dra. M. Teresa Cabré, neix com a grup de recerca l'any 1988 a la Universitat de Barcelona i des de 1994 s'incorpora com a projecte a l'Institut Universitari de Lingüística Aplicada de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra. L'Observatori de Neologia analitza el fenomen de l'aparició de paraules noves o neologismes en l'ús, tant pel que fa al català com al castellà. Actualment compta amb una base de dades de més de 82.000 ocurrències per al català i de més de 60.000 ocurrències per al castellà procedents de textos escrits i orals de mitjans de comunicació.Aquest volum recull la metodologia establerta des de l’inici del projecte pels membres fundadors de l’Observatori de Neologia - tot i que revisada i actualitzada al llarg dels anys. Aquesta metodologia guia tots els treballs de detecció, selecció, tractament i emmagatzemament de les dades que es duen a terme a l’Observatori.

Els efectes de la transmissió intergeneracional de la llengua, l'escolarització i la integració lingüística en les previsions de la competència en valencià al País Valencià

Avaluem la importància relativa dels processos demogràfics i lingüístics en l’evolució de la competència per comprendre, parlar, llegir i escriure català en el País Valencià. Basades en les projeccions d’una vasta sèrie d’escenaris, les anàlisis de regressió múltiple mostren que l’adquisició de la llengua pròpia durant l’escolarització, la immigració i la integració lingüística dels immigrants tenen més pes que altres processos demolingüístics en els efectes a llarg termini dels nivells de competència.

Noms que formen part d'un determinant complex

Aquest article examina un aspecte de la informació gramatical que inclouen els diccionaris. En concret, analitza el tractament lexicogràfic que els noms que poden formar part d'un determinant complex han rebut en diversos diccionaris. Són noms que, segons els contextos funcionen com a nucli d'un sintagma nominal o com a nucli d'un sintagma determinant. Els resultats d'aquest estudi demostren que la informació gramatical en aquest tipus de noms en la majoria de diccionaris és molt pobre i fins i tot nul·la. Com a alternativa, el treball proposa un primer disseny d'entrada lexicogràfica prototípica per aquest tipus de noms que al costat de la informació semàntica té en compte la informació gramatical i la informació pragmàtica.

Los sintagmas nominales extensos especializados en inglés y en español: descripción y clasificación en un corpus de genoma

En el presente trabajo se presenta un estado de la cuestión desde diferentes disciplinas sobre los sintagmas nominales extensos especializados (SNEE) de más de tres tokens en inglés y en español en textos especializados del nivel experto-experto en el área del genoma. Se propone una metodología para describir y clasificar los SNEE a partir de 500.000 palabras en cada lengua de modo que se definan regularidades y se propongan soluciones para los diferentes profesionales del lenguaje.

Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status

Federal Capitals often have special statutes. Compared with member states, they often enjoy a lower degree of self-government and a lesser share in the governing of the federation. Why do actors choose such devices, and how can they be justified in a liberal democracy? Surprisingly, the burgeoning literature on asymmetric federalism (to which our research group has contributed significantly) has overlooked this important feature of a de iure asymmetry, perhaps because political theory up to now has concentrated on cases of multicultural and plurinational federations. However, comparative literature is also rare. This paper is the first step to filling in this gap by comparing some federal capitals. The Federal District model (Washington) is compared to capitals organized as member-states (Berlin and Brussels), and capitals that are cities belonging to a single member state (Ottawa in Ontario). The different features of de iure asymmetry will thereby be highlighted. Some light will be shed on the possible motives, reasons and justifications for the choice of each respective status. The paper opens the door to further research on such status questions by analysing public and parliamentary debates, for example. It paves the way for more thorough research. Sicne the author has been awarded a grant by the Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, this research will be carried out soon.

When federalism is not enough? Paths to cooperation in Federal democracies

This paper explores an overlooked issue in the literature on federations and federalism: the relationship between federalism and democracy. Starting from the assumption that federalism per se is not enough to guarantee cooperative intergovernmental dynamics between different levels of governments, this article analyzes how democracy reinforces cooperative intergovernmental relations under a federal design. Drawing from empirical evidence of federations in the making – Brazil, India, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Spain – this article shows that in countries where the federal design was built under democratization, namely Brazil, Spain and South Africa, intergovernmental dynamics evolved under an increasingly cooperative mode of interaction.

Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state

Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies. The case of Catalonia and the Spanish “Estado de las Autonomías”

In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).

The Nationalism of stateless nations and Europe. The Catalan case

This paper analyzes how the ideas and concepts of Europe have developed in Catalonia, under the conditions of a decentralizing “nation-state” (Spain) on one hand, and the European integration process on the other. It analyzes the programmes, manifestations of political leaders, and political actions of the Catalan political parties, specially the nationalists, from the setting up of the Spanish state of autonomies (1977-1982) until today. The paper tries to show how, in multilevel governance, holistic and enthusiastic visions of an economically and political integrating Europe as a “natural ally” of a Catalan nationalism were partially replaced by more pragmatic and even more critical assessments.

Secession and liberal democracy. The case of the Basque country

The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.

Theorizing institutional changes: understanding decentralization and federalization in Brazil, Spain and South Africa

In light of the existing theories about institutional change, this paper seeks to advance a common framework to understand the unfolding of decentralization and federalization in three countries: Brazil, Spain, and South Africa. Although in different continents, these three countries witnessed processes after their respective transitions to democracy that transferred administrative and fiscal authority to their regions (decentralization) and vertically distributed political and institutional capacity (federalization). This paper attempts to explain how institutional changes prompted a shift of power and authority towards regional governments by looking at internal sources of change within the intergovernmental arena in the three countries. This analysis is organized around two propositions: that once countries transit to democracy under all-encompassing constitutions there are high incentives for institutional change, and that under a bargained intergovernmental interaction among political actors subnational political elites are able to advance their interests incrementally. In short, through a common framework this paper will explain the evolving dynamics of intergovernmental dynamics in three countries.

Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

Intertwined cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations

Since at least the last two decades of the 20th century, the normative debate on multiculturalism has been one-dimensional. It has deployed arguments related to cultural demands either linked to feminism and sub-cultural identities, immigration or national minorities. Little attention has been given to the relations between these dimensions, and how they effect each other in putting forward demands to the nation-state. The purpose of this article is to analyse the interaction between cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations. The basic objective of this paper is to give an overview of different reflections coming from three basic contributors: J. Carens, W. Kymlicka and R. Bauböck.