890 resultados para Preferential trade agreements


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A partir de un punto de vista jurídico, el artículo presenta las razones por las cuales el Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Estados Unidos y los países andinos no debe ser sometido a una consulta popular. Un análisis conceptual apoya el argumento central del autor, quien sostiene que el TLC por ser un tratado internacional no debe ser objeto de aprobación o desaprobación por parte del pueblo, ya que éste carece de la facultad necesaria para tal fin. Finalmente Ortiz señala que más allá de lo jurídico, las condiciones de educación de la población ecuatoriana y el manejo político que se le puede dar a la consulta, son aspectos que problematizan el desarrollo de una consulta popular.

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Este artículo realiza un análisis de los principales elementos de la coyuntura actual en la región andina, así como de las perspectivas del proceso andino de integración, tomando como punto de referencia la posición de los miembros de la CAN frente al ALCA y a la firma de acuerdos bilaterales con Estados Unidos. Finalmente el autor explora las perspectivas de la CAN a la luz de la nueva orientación propuesta desde la Secretaría General.

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El artículo realiza un análisis comparativo de los contenidos de los tratados de libre comercio (TLC) que la Unión Europea (UE) y Estados Unidos (EUA) firmaron recientemente con Colombia. Este análisis, que tiene lugar desde la clasificación “OMC-extra” y “OMC-plus”, permite concluir que se ha producido una norteamericanización parcial de la estrategia interregional europea en América Latina porque muestra similitudes importantes en cuanto a las disposiciones negociadas en ambos tratados. Sin embargo, dicha norteamericanización se revela parcial porque el tema de la integración regional es abordada con precisión en el TLC europeo.

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El artículo señala que una relación comercial entre Corea y Ecuador sería viable si los dos países concilian sus potencialidades, en búsqueda de una complementación económica. El autor señala que el país sudamericano, con una alta tasa de crecimiento, puede aprovechar el interés que tiene un país asiático competitivo y eficiente de socializar su experiencia en desarrollo para pasar de una economía agrícola a una globalizada. Hace una revisión de las relaciones diplomáticas entre los dos Estados y se concentra en establecer el alcance y efectos que una relación comercial podría generar. Se concluye, finalmente, en que existe una serie abierta de oportunidades de cooperación económica que deben ser exploradas por coreanos y ecuatorianos.

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If the Conservative party wins Britain’s General Election in 2015 the incoming Government intends to negotiate a new settlement with the EU, and then hold an in-out referendum. Opinion polls suggest a narrow majority would vote to leave. To exercise an informed choice the electorate would need to know what feasible alternatives are available, so that these can be assessed and debated. Furthermore, in the event of a no vote the Government must be ready to implement its alternative strategy: Plan B. This implies that both a new EU settlement, and Plan B, need to be negotiated concurrently. There has been no serious attempt to explain what Plan B would mean for UK farm policy. Would, for example, British farmers continue to receive the level of support that they currently enjoy; would support be more focussed on environmental objectives? WTO rules on most-favoured-nation treatment and regional trade agreements would apply. Could a WTO compatible agri-food trade agreement be negotiated with its former EU partners, or would Irish and Brazilian beef face the same tariff barriers on imports into the British market? For the EU, the loss of a major net contributor to EU finances could result in a re-examination of the CAP budget.

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O Objetivo deste Estudo é Avaliar os Impactos da Entrada da Venezuela no Mercosul Utilizando para Tanto o Modelo de Equilíbrio Geral Computável Multi-Setorial e Multi-Regional Denominado Global Trade Analysis Project (Gtap). Além da Introdução, o Estudo Está Dividido em Outras 5 Seções. na Seção 2, são Analisados os Documentos Mais Relevantes Assinados Pelos Estados-Parte, Ressaltando a Relativa Rapidez da Assinatura do Acordo de Adesão da Venezuela ao Bloco; na Seção 3, Descreve-Se o Estado Atual do Fluxo de Comércio entre Venezuela e Mercosul, Assim como as Condições de Acesso a Mercados, Ressaltando a Importância da Venezuela para o Mercosul e a Proteção Ligeiramente Maior Aplicada Pela Economia Venezuelana Quando Comparada com a do Mercosul. na Seção Seguinte, Descrevem-Se os Choques Tarifários Implementados em Três Simulações, Representativas da Adesão da Venezuela ao Mercosul, Além de Hipóteses de Fechamento do Modelo. na Seção 5, os Resultados da Simulação são Apresentados e Discutidos. Sinteticamente, Chama-Se À Atenção para o Aumento de Bem Estar nos Países Envolvidos e o Significativo Impacto Setorial, Especialmente nos Setores de Automóveis, Máquinas e Equipamentos e Têxteis e Vestuário. uma Última Seção Sumaria as Principais Conclusões do Trabalho.

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The main subject of this study is the consensus analysis of negotiations of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Generally speaking, delays and interruptions caused by controversies and impasses end up becoming strong efficiency problems which jeopardize the consensus building during any negotiation. As a justification, the target of this study is to identify processes to help obtain, efficiently, agreements in the RTAs negotiations. Its final objective was to search for theoretical tools and techniques to be applied in situations of stoppage in a sense of eliminating the difficulties or making them at least easier to deal with. Secondarily other theoretical points of view were considered with the intention of understanding how strategies and theoretical tools can contribute in each/or different scenario of the negotiation. Through the different ways of looking at it for the conduction of the negotiations, for evaluating the dimensions of the negotiations and in order to build up the consensus, the researcher was able to understand the perception and the interpretation of the subject in view. At last the conclusion was that the applicability of the chosen framework is positive in helping solve problems and controversies as well as building up the consensus during the negotiations.

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This thesis consists of three chapters that have as unifying subject the frame-work of common agency with informed principals. The first two chapters analyze the economic effects of privately informed lobbying applied to tariff protection (Chapter 1) and to customs unions agreements (Chapter 2). The third chapter investigates the choice of retailing strutures when principals (the producers) are privately informed about their production costs. Chapter 1 analyzes how lobbying affects economic policy when the interest groups have private information. I assume that the competitiveness of producers are lobbies private information in a Grossman and Helpman (1994) lobby game. This allows us to analyze the e¤ects of information transmission within their model. I show that the information transmission generates two informational asymmetry problems in the political game. One refers to the cost of signaling the lobby's competitiveness to the policy maker and the other to the cost of screening the rival lobby's competitiveness from the policy maker. As an important consequence information transmission may improve welfare through the reduction of harmful lobbying activity. Chapter 2 uses the framework of chapter 1 to study a customs union agreement when governments are subject to the pressure of special interest groups that have better information about the competitiveness of the industries they represent. I focus on the agreement's effect on the structure of political influence. When join a customs union, the structure of political pressure changes and with privately informed lobbies, a new effect emerges: the governments can use the information they learn from the lobby of one country to extract rents from the lobbies of the other country. I call this the "information transmission effect". This effect enhances the governments'bargaining power in a customs union and makes lobbies demand less protection. Thus, I find that information transmission increases the welfare of the agreement and decreases tari¤s towards non-members. I also investigate the incentives for the creation of a customs union and find that information transmission makes such agreement more likely to be politically sustainable. Chapter 3 investigates the choice of retailing structure when the manufacturers are privately informed about their production costs. Two retailing structures are analyzed, one where each manufacturer chooses her own retailer (exclusive dealing) and another where the manufacturers choose the same retailer (common agency). It is shown that common agency mitigates downstream competition but gives the retailer bargaining power to extract informational rents from the manufacturers, while in exclusive dealing there is no downstream coordination but also there are no incentives problem in the contract between manufacture and retailer. A pre- liminary characterization of the choice of the retailing structure for the case of substitute goods shows that when the uncertainty about the cost increases relatively to the size of the market, exclusive dealing tends to be the chosen retailing structure. On the other hand, when the market is big relatively to the costs, common agency emerges as the retailing structure. This thesis has greatly benefited from the contribution of Professors Humberto Moreira and Thierry Verdier. It also benefited from the stimulating environment of the Toulouse School of Economics, where part of this work was developed during the year of 2007.

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Recent research has underlined the efficiency of the GATT/WTO rules from the standpoint of politically motivated governments, emphasizing that the current multilateral rules are capable of delivering a politically efficient equilibrium. Such an equilibrium is, however, economically inef- ficient. Global free trade, in particular, is generally unattainable even in a fully cooperative world, provided that governments have distributive motivations. In such a context, we show that regional trade agreements can help move the world towards a welfare superior equilibrium. The reason is that, as members of regional trade agreements lower trade barriers against one another, they are induced to reduce their multilateral tariffs as well. Once we account for these endogenous changes–and only then–we find that regionalism can raise world welfare even in a fully cooperative (but political) world. We also find, however, that members are likely to gain "too much" from regional integration, thereby harming outsiders.

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Peru agricultural exports have increased in recent years due to (i) free trade agreements with many countries (United States, Canada, European Union, China, Thailand, Singapore, Japan, Chile, among others), (ii) an increasing international demand for healthy products, (iii) country´s economic development and (iv) more private investments in this sector (Velazco 2012). Also, if we can compare among Peru three main regions (Coast, Andean highlands and the Jungle), It is the Coast (western region) that has a developed agricultural production due to unique weather conditions, private investments, public infrastructure, transport costs and quality of land (Gomez, 2008). This country development is also related to the production of non-traditional products for export like asparagus, artichokes, capsicums, bananas, grapes, among others; produced by agro industrial companies and small farmers and that are mainly labor intensive (Gomez, 2008 and Velazco, 2012). This very successful export diversification and self-discovery process was the result of a combination of strong natural comparative advantages (mainly excellent agro climatic conditions) and a significant innovation effort. It meant the introduction and expansion of new products and markets, the entry of new firms, and experimental research and the adoption of new techniques and process technologies developed abroad (in irrigation, crop management, post-harvesting, sanitary control, storage and packing) to produce high-quality, niche (gourmet) and higher value-added products, in line with consumer trends in sophisticated food markets. In products such as asparagus, mango, organic coffee and capsicums, Peru has become a leading world exporter (OECD). For this reason one of the government main tasks for the next years is to meet urgent agriculture producer’s needs in the areas of technological Innovation and business management (MINAG). In this context, this thesis analyzes the applicability of a new technology – the mechatronic arms – specifically to capsicums production sector in Peru. We chose Capsicums production sector (paprika, chilli pepper) because is mainly labor intensive and is the sector where my family company (DIROSE SAC) operates. This innovation consists in a 40 arms mechatronic combine, and it was first created in order to improve the efficiency on the labor intensive phase of harvest for this kind of agriculture products. It is estimated that a laborer with brief training operating the machine would be equivalent to 40 people that not only would work during daytime, but also on the night shift as well. Also, using this new technology can allow a company to make additional crops that would increase their yields and annual revenues. This thesis was developed as a business plan to make this new product available for other agriculture companies that operates in the capsicums production sector in Peru; however, this new technology has the potential to be modified in order to be available to other kind of agriculture products, in Peru and other countries.

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Incluye Bibliografía

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography