Cidadania e participação - uma proposta de análise das competências de tomada de decisão das crianças na escola

Comunicação apresentada no V Encontro do CIED – Escola e Comunidade, nos dias 18 e 19 de novembro de 2011, na Escola Superior de Educação de Lisboa, Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa, organizado pelo CIED, com o apoio da Escola Superior de Educação de Lisboa. Atas do V Encontro do CIED – Escola e Comunidade publicadas em junho de 2012 por CIED - Centro de Interdisciplinar de Estudos Educacionais.

La pregunta: una experiencia pedagógica de liberación

Desde un análisis crítico y reflexivo de la educación, se hace necesario preguntar por el sentido del lenguaje en los procesos formativos que hacen parte del acordona­miento ideológico de esta sociedad dirigida por la razón instrumental hacia los princi­pios del consumo y la competencia. Poner en este contexto el lugar de la pregunta por el lenguaje es, necesariamente, preguntar por el lugar y el propósito de la pregunta en la educación. ¿Tiene lugar la pregunta en la hegemonía de un modelo capitalista que se extiende a la concepción mercantilista de la educación? ¿Qué intencionalidades le subyacen a la pregunta como acción polí­tica en la que se le da apertura al diálogo con criterios ético, político y propositivo? En este texto, me propongo desarrollar estas inquietudes desde el horizonte de indagación de la pregunta como una ex­periencia pedagógica de liberación, en la cual se trazan retos epistémicos y estéti­cos de relevancia en los propósitos de una educación con responsabilidad social, y en el compromiso de un maestro con claridad práctica y discursiva frente a su papel como sujeto político

Inclusion, Participation and the Emergence of British Chinese Websites

Previous work has drawn attention to the relative absence of British Chinese voices in public culture. No one is more aware of this invisibility than British-born Chinese people themselves. Since 2000 the emergence of Internet discussion sites produced by British Chinese young people has provided an important forum for many of them to grapple with questions concerning their identities, experiences and status in Britain. In this paper we explore the ways in which Internet usage by British-born Chinese people has facilitated forms of self-expression, collective identity production and social and political action. This examination of British Chinese websites raises important questions about inclusion and exclusion, citizenship, participation and the development of a sense of belonging in Britain, issues which are usually overlooked in relation to a group which appears to be well integrated and successful in higher education.

Les instruments actuariels d'évaluation du risque de récidive : applicables aux auteurs d'infractions sexuelles ayant une déficience intellectuelle?

L’intérêt porté à l’évaluation du risque de récidive chez les délinquants ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) a notablement augmenté depuis les 10 dernières années. D’ailleurs, certains croient que les instruments utilisés pour mesurer le risque chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles neurotypiques peuvent s’appliquer aux auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI tandis que d’autres appuient l’idée d’utiliser et de développer des mesures actuarielles propres à ces individus. Trois objectifs ont été posés pour tenter d’éclaircir ces deux visions, soit 1) Comparer les taux de récidive entre les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (ayant une DI et neurotypiques), en plus de déterminer lequel récidive plus rapidement sur une courte période de temps, 2) Analyser la validité prédictive de huit instruments actuariels (et de la PCL-R) auprès d’un échantillon d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI et 3) Analyser la composition des instruments par domaines (Knight et Thornton, 2007). L’échantillon est composé de 550 auteurs d’infractions sexuelles dont 54 ont une DI. Les résultats suggèrent que les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (neurotypiques et ayant une DI) présentent des taux de récidive similaires. Un nombre restreint d’instruments semblent par contre efficaces chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. De ce fait, le SVR-20 s’est révélé avoir une validité prédictive pour la récidive sexuelle, le RMC, le RMV et le MnSOST-R pour la récidive violente et le VRAG pour la récidive non violente. Il est toutefois justifié de se questionner sur la manière d’évaluer le risque chez cette clientèle particulière. L’analyse de la composition des instruments semble importante puisque certains domaines pourraient prédire différemment la récidive chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. Une grande partie des facteurs pouvant être utiles dans la prédiction de la récidive ne semblent toujours pas avoir été identifiés, repoussant ainsi la création d’instruments propres aux délinquants ayant une DI.

Les instruments actuariels d'évaluation du risque de récidive : applicables aux auteurs d'infractions sexuelles ayant une déficience intellectuelle?

L’intérêt porté à l’évaluation du risque de récidive chez les délinquants ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) a notablement augmenté depuis les 10 dernières années. D’ailleurs, certains croient que les instruments utilisés pour mesurer le risque chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles neurotypiques peuvent s’appliquer aux auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI tandis que d’autres appuient l’idée d’utiliser et de développer des mesures actuarielles propres à ces individus. Trois objectifs ont été posés pour tenter d’éclaircir ces deux visions, soit 1) Comparer les taux de récidive entre les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (ayant une DI et neurotypiques), en plus de déterminer lequel récidive plus rapidement sur une courte période de temps, 2) Analyser la validité prédictive de huit instruments actuariels (et de la PCL-R) auprès d’un échantillon d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI et 3) Analyser la composition des instruments par domaines (Knight et Thornton, 2007). L’échantillon est composé de 550 auteurs d’infractions sexuelles dont 54 ont une DI. Les résultats suggèrent que les deux groupes d’auteurs d’infractions sexuelles (neurotypiques et ayant une DI) présentent des taux de récidive similaires. Un nombre restreint d’instruments semblent par contre efficaces chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. De ce fait, le SVR-20 s’est révélé avoir une validité prédictive pour la récidive sexuelle, le RMC, le RMV et le MnSOST-R pour la récidive violente et le VRAG pour la récidive non violente. Il est toutefois justifié de se questionner sur la manière d’évaluer le risque chez cette clientèle particulière. L’analyse de la composition des instruments semble importante puisque certains domaines pourraient prédire différemment la récidive chez les auteurs d’infractions sexuelles ayant une DI. Une grande partie des facteurs pouvant être utiles dans la prédiction de la récidive ne semblent toujours pas avoir été identifiés, repoussant ainsi la création d’instruments propres aux délinquants ayant une DI.

CLASHES IN CONFINEMENT: MEN’S GENDERED EXPERIENCES WITH CONFLICT IN CANADIAN PRISONS

This dissertation presents the results of in-depth qualitative interviews with twenty-three formerly imprisoned men regarding their lived experience with prison conflict and the pain of incarceration. The results suggest that prison is a gendered ‘total institution’ (Goffman 1961). The pains that men experience in prison are uniquely gendered in that the deprivations imposed by incarceration– deprivation of autonomy, liberty, goods and services, heterosexual sex, and security (Sykes 1958) – in the reverse, define idealized masculinity as it is currently socially constructed: self-reliance, independence, toughness or invulnerability, material and economic success, and heterosexual prowess. From these shared deprivations emerges a gendered code of conduct that perpetuates a hierarchy among incarcerated men by constructing violent masculinity as a subcultural norm. The results suggest that the gender code in prison represents a set of rules that create opportunities for men to police each other’s gender performance and make claims to masculine statuses. Because status is inextricably tied to survival in this context, many men feel pressured to perform violent masculinities in prison despite privately subscribing to a non-violent sense of self-concept. The results suggest that violence is an expressive and instrumental resource for men in prison. A gender theory of prison violence, methodological findings, theoretical implications, ethical considerations and the short and long term aftermath of violent prison conflict are discussed.

Pluralismo y derechos fundamentales en el estado social de derecho: la situación de las poblaciones indígenas en Colombia en 2014

Este es un estudio sobre la garantía y aplicabilidad de los derechos humanos de las poblaciones indígenas colombianas durante los primeros cuatro años de mandato de la administración Santos. La investigación busca explicar la manera en que las adversas condiciones socio económicas que caracterizan el desarrollo de las poblaciones indígenas, denotan la incapacidad del Estado Social de Derecho para garantizar la protección y aplicabilidad de los derechos fundamentales de estas comunidades. Las disposiciones constitucionales han tenido un desarrollo truncado debido a las escasas medidas proferidas por diferentes gobiernos frente a las necesidades de estos grupos en particular. En razón de lo anterior, el estudio se inscribe dentro del marco teórico referente al neo constitucionalismo debido al alto valor explicativo que ofrecen los postulados de Gustavo Zagrebelsky y Luigi Ferrajoli en relación al fenómeno que se pretende analizar. Se concluye que frente a la persistencia de los factores que afectan el desarrollo de las poblaciones indígenas, el reconocimiento constitucional debe ser complementado por una efectiva normatividad que asegure la aplicabilidad de los derechos fundamentales por parte de las administraciones políticas: no debe existir un desfase entre las nociones de principio y la ley.

The iatrogenic reflex and belief that repression can coercively suppress asymmetric coercive violence : does very robust action by the government decrease functional support for insurgents?

Non-state insurgent actors are too weak to compel powerful adversaries to their will, so they use violence to coerce. A principal objective is to grow and sustain violent resistance to the point that it either militarily challenges the state, or more commonly, generates unacceptable political costs. To survive, insurgents must shift popular support away from the state and to grow they must secure it. State actor policies and actions perceived as illegitimate and oppressive by the insurgent constituency can generate these shifts. A promising insurgent strategy is to attack states in ways that lead angry publics and leaders to discount the historically established risks and take flawed but popular decisions to use repressive measures. Such decisions may be enabled by a visceral belief in the power of coercion and selective use of examples of where robust measures have indeed suppressed resistance. To avoid such counterproductive behaviours the cases of apparent 'successful repression' must be understood. This thesis tests whether robust state action is correlated with reduced support for insurgents, analyses the causal mechanisms of such shifts and examines whether such reduction is because of compulsion or coercion? The approach is founded on prior research by the RAND Corporation which analysed the 30 insurgencies most recently resolved worldwide to determine factors of counterinsurgent success. This new study first re-analyses their data at a finer resolution with new queries that investigate the relationship between repression and insurgent active support. Having determined that, in general, repression does not correlate with decreased insurgent support, this study then analyses two cases in which the data suggests repression seems likely to be reducing insurgent support: the PKK in Turkey and the insurgency against the Vietnamese-sponsored regime after their ousting of the Khmer Rouge. It applies 'structured-focused' case analysis with questions partly built from the insurgency model of Leites and Wolf, who are associated with the advocacy of US robust means in Vietnam. This is thus a test of 'most difficult' cases using a 'least likely' test model. Nevertheless, the findings refute the deterrence argument of 'iron fist' advocates. Robust approaches may physically prevent effective support of insurgents but they do not coercively deter people from being willing to actively support the insurgency.

Claims about women's use of non-fatal force in intimate relationships : A contextual review of Canadian research

Claims that violence is gender-neutral are increasingly becoming “common sense” in Canada. Antifeminist groups assert that the high rates of woman abuse uncovered by major Canadian national surveys conducted in the early 1990s are greatly exaggerated and that women are as violent as men. The production of degendered rhetoric about “intimate partner violence” contributes to claims that women’s and men’s violence is symmetrical and mutual. This article critically evaluates common claims about Canadian women’s use of nonlethal force in heterosexual intimate relationships in the context of the political struggle over the hegemonic frame for violence and abuse. The extant Canadian research documenting significant sex differences in violence and abuse against adult intimate partners is reviewed.

INFORMAS (International Network for Food and Obesity/non-communicable diseases Research, Monitoring and Action Support) : overview and key principles

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) dominate disease burdens globally and poor nutrition increasingly contributes to this global burden. Comprehensive monitoring of food environments, and evaluation of the impact of public and private sector policies on food environments is needed to strengthen accountability systems to reduce NCDs. The International Network for Food and Obesity/NCDs Research, Monitoring and Action Support (INFORMAS) is a global network of public-interest organizations and researchers that aims to monitor, benchmark and support public and private sector actions to create healthy food environments and reduce obesity, NCDs and their related inequalities. The INFORMAS framework includes two ‘process’ modules, that monitor the policies and actions of the public and private sectors, seven ‘impact’ modules that monitor the key characteristics of food environments and three ‘outcome’ modules that monitor dietary quality, risk factors and NCD morbidity and mortality. Monitoring frameworks and indicators have been developed for 10 modules to provide consistency, but allowing for stepwise approaches (‘minimal’, ‘expanded’, ‘optimal’) to data collection and analysis. INFORMAS data will enable benchmarking of food environments between countries, and monitoring of progress over time within countries. Through monitoring and benchmarking, INFORMAS will strengthen the accountability systems needed to help reduce the burden of obesity, NCDs and their related inequalities.

Participatory action research for civic engagement

The future of civic engagement is characterised by both technological innovation as well as new technological user practices that are fuelled by trends towards mobile, personal devices; broadband connectivity; open data; urban interfaces; and, cloud computing. These technology trends are progressing at a rapid pace, and have led global technology vendors to package and sell the ‘Smart City’ as a centralized service delivery platform predicted to optimize and enhance cities’ key performance indicators – and generate a profitable market. The top-down deployment of these large and proprietary technology platforms have helped sectors such as energy, transport, and healthcare to increase efficiencies. However, an increasing number of scholars and commentators warn of another ‘IT bubble’ emerging. Along with some city leaders, they argue that the top-down approach does not fit the governance dynamics and values of a liberal democracy when applied across sectors. A thorough understanding is required, of the socio-cultural nuances of how people work, live, play across different environments, and how they employ social media and mobile devices to interact with, engage in, and constitute public realms. Although the term ‘slacktivism’ is sometimes used to denote a watered down version of civic engagement and activism that is reduced to clicking a ‘Like’ button and signing online petitions, we believe that we are far from witnessing another Biedermeier period that saw people focus on the domestic and the non-political. There is plenty of evidence to the contrary, such as post-election violence in Kenya in 2008, the Occupy movements in New York, Hong Kong and elsewhere, the Arab Spring, Stuttgart 21, Fukushima, the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul, and the Vinegar Movement in Brazil in 2013. These examples of civic action shape the dynamics of governments, and in turn, call for new processes to be incorporated into governance structures. Participatory research into these new processes across the triad of people, place and technology is a significant and timely investment to foster productive, sustainable, and livable human habitats. With this chapter, we want to reframe the current debates in academia and priorities in industry and government to allow citizens and civic actors to take their rightful centerpiece place in civic movements. This calls for new participatory approaches for co-inquiry and co-design. It is an evolving process with an explicit agenda to facilitate change, and we propose participatory action research (PAR) as an indispensable component in the journey to develop new governance infrastructures and practices for civic engagement. This chapter proposes participatory action research as a useful and fitting research paradigm to guide methodological considerations surrounding the study, design, development, and evaluation of civic technologies. We do not limit our definition of civic technologies to tools specifically designed to simply enhance government and governance, such as renewing your car registration online or casting your vote electronically on election day. Rather, we are interested in civic media and technologies that foster citizen engagement in the widest sense, and particularly the participatory design of such civic technologies that strive to involve citizens in political debate and action as well as question conventional approaches to political issues (DiSalvo, 2012; Dourish, 2010; Foth et al., 2013). Following an outline of some underlying principles and assumptions behind participatory action research, especially as it applies to cities, we will critically review case studies to illustrate the application of this approach with a view to engender robust, inclusive, and dynamic societies built on the principles of engaged liberal democracy. The rationale for this approach is an alternative to smart cities in a ‘perpetual tomorrow,’ (cf. e.g. Dourish & Bell, 2011), based on many weak and strong signals of civic actions revolving around technology seen today. It seeks to emphasize and direct attention to active citizenry over passive consumerism, human actors over human factors, culture over infrastructure, and prosperity over efficiency. First, we will have a look at some fundamental issues arising from applying simplistic smart city visions to the kind of a problem a city is (cf. Jacobs, 1961). We focus on the touch points between “the city” and its civic body, the citizens. In order to provide for meaningful civic engagement, the city must provide appropriate interfaces.

Mapinduzi Daima – Revolution Forever : Using the 1964 Revolution in Nationalistic Political Discourses in Zanzibar

This Master's thesis examines two opposite nationalistic discourses on the revolution of Zanzibar. Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the party in power since the 1964 revolution defends its revolutionary and "African" heritage in the current multi-party system. New nationalists, including among others the main opposition party Civic United Front (CUF), question both the 1964 revolution and the post-revolution period and blame CCM for empty promises, corruption and ethnic discrimination. This study analyzes the role of a significant historical event in the creation of nationalistic ideology and national identity. The 1964 revolution forms the nucleus of various debates related to the history of Zanzibar: slavery, colonialism, racial discrimination and political violence. Representations of these Social constructivist principles form the basis of this study, and central concepts in the theoretical framework are nationalism, national identity, ethnicity and race. I use critical discourse analysis as my research method, lean on the work by Teun A. van Dijk and Norman Fairclough as the most significant researchers in this field. I examine particularly the ways in which linguistic methods, such as stereotypes and metaphors are used to form in- and out-groups ("us" vs. "others"). My material, both in Swahili and English, was collected mainly in Tanzania in the fall of 2007 and from online sources in the spring of 2009. It includes publications by the Zanzibari government between the years of 1964-2000 (12), official speeches for the Revolution Day or the Union Day (12), articles from Tanzanian newspapers from the 1990s until the year of 2009 (15), memoirs and political pamphlets (10), blog posts and opinion pieces from four different websites (8), and interviews or personal communication in Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Uppsala (8). Nationalistic rhetoric often creates enemy images by using binary good-bad oppositions. Both discourses in this study build identities on the basis of "otherness" and exclusion, with the intent of emphasizing the particularity of the own group and excluding "evilness" outside the own reference group. These opposite views on the 1964 revolution as the main axis of the history of Zanzibar build different portraits of the nation and Zanzibari-ness (Uzanzibari). CCM still relies on the pre-revolutionary enemy images of Arabs as selfish rulers and cruel slave traders. For CCM, Zanzibar is primarily an "African" nation and a part of Tanzania which is threatened by "Arabs", the outsiders. In contrast, the new nationalists stress the long history of Zanzibar as multi-racial, cosmopolitan and formerly independent country which has its own, separate culture and identity from mainland Tanzanians. Heshima, honour/respect, one of the basic values of Swahili culture, occupies a central role in both discourses: the main party emphasizes that the revolution returned "heshima" to the Zanzibari Africans after centuries of humiliation, whereas the new nationalists claim that ever since the revolution all "non-Africans" have been humiliated and lost their "heshima". According to the new nationalists, true Zanzibari values which include tolerance and harmony between different "races" were lost when the "foreign" revolutionaries arrived from the mainland. Consequently, they see the 1964 revolution as Tanganyikan colonialism which began with the help of Western countries, and maintain that this "colonialism" still continues in the violent multi-party elections.

Political participation of non-national residents in Portugal

Em Portugal, novas medidas de participação política têm vindo a ser introduzidas tanto por força da transição para uma sociedade multicultural como pela sua participação na integração política europeia que se direcciona para um novo nível de cidadania. O presente artigo pretende mostrar até que ponto os residentes não-nacionais, de países terceiros e da União Europeia, efectivamente usam os seus novos direitos políticos e participam nos actos eleitorais em Portugal, conferindo-lhes a oportunidade de uma maior integração política no seu Estado de residência. In Portugal, new rules of political participation have been imposed by the transition to a multicultural society, in addition to the European political integration that is currently developing towards a new level of citizenship. This paper intends to show to what extent non-national residents, both from EU and non-EU countries, effectively use their new political rights and participate in the Portuguese electoral acts that give them the opportunity for a wider political integration in their state of residence.

Organizing women as women: Hybridity and grassroots collective action in the 21st century

The Million Mom March (favoring gun control) and Code Pink: Women for Peace (focusing on foreign policy, especially the war in Iraq) are organizations that have mobilized women as women in an era when other women's groups struggled to maintain critical mass and turned away from non-gender-specific public issues. This article addresses how these organizations fostered collective consciousness among women, a large and diverse group, while confronting the echoes of backlash against previous mobilization efforts by women. We argue that the March and Code Pink achieved mobilization success by creating hybrid organizations that blended elements of three major collective action frames: maternalism, egalitarianism, and feminine expression. These innovative organizations invented hybrid forms that cut across movements, constituencies, and political institutions. Using surveys, interviews, and content analysis of organizational documents, this article explains how the March and Code Pink met the contemporary challenges facing women's collective action in similar yet distinct ways. It highlights the role of feminine expression and concerns about the intersectional marginalization of women in resolving the historic tensions between maternalism and egalitarianism. It demonstrates hybridity as a useful analytical lens to understand gendered organizing and other forms of grassroots collective action. © 2010 American Political Science Association.