353 resultados para Folga Orçamentária
Resumo:
Fossem os políticos de Brasília, os leitores que já participaram do Simulador Orçamentário - ferramenta lançada pelo Valor e pela Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV) - a peça orçamentária de 2016, em vez de um déficit de R$ 30 bilhões, como enviado pelo governo federal ao Congresso, teria um superávit de R$ 23 bilhões - equivalente a 0,4% do PIB estimado.
Resumo:
O "ajuste fiscal" feito pelos leitores que já participaram do Simulador Orçamentário - lançado pelo Valor e pela FGV - conseguiu transformar o déficit de R$ 30 bilhões da proposta orçamentária de 2016 apresentada pelo governo em um superávit R$ 23 bilhões.
Resumo:
A tecnologia de informação mudou nos últimos anos o modo de viver, de pensar e de se relacionar das pessoas. Influenciadas pelos avanços tecnológicos que se massificam cada vez mais rapidamente, as pessoas, que também são cidadãos dos Estados onde vivem, mudaram inclusive a forma de interagir com as instituições. Exemplos não faltam nos jornais sobre esse fenômeno. Os governos não podem ficar para traz nessa revolução, que já se compara em escala e efeito à revolução industrial do século XIX, sob pena de perderem a já combalida legitimidade. O desafio é grande, pois a velocidade da evolução técnica coloca mais uma pressão sobre os gestores públicos. Para acompanhar é preciso modernizar a forma de administrar os órgãos do governo e de relaciona-los com os cidadãos e a sociedade civil. Uma gestão da Tecnologia da Informação que parta dos primeiros escalões dos governos é condição inicial para mudar a forma de pensar e agir de toda burocracia. Neste estudo vamos avaliar como é a Governança de TI do Estado do Rio de Janeiro em face às estruturas dos demais estados, considerando também as visões orçamentária e de planejamento e ainda a experiência de profissionais integrantes do Sistema de Tecnologia da Informação do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Pretendemos extrais lições sobre o que deve ser mantido, ampliado ou alterado no modelo de governança adotado.
Resumo:
O objetivo deste trabalho é colocar luz sobre a conta que vem ganhando cada vez mais importância frente ao orçamento tradicional do ano. Na primeira seção vamos consolidar um dicionário para cada tipo de Restos a Pagar, mostrando como se articulam entre si. Na segunda seção, faremos um mapeamento para identificar onde se concentram os Restos a Pagar analisados por Natureza de Despesa, Função e Órgão a partir dos dados obtidos da plataforma SIGA Brasil, do Senado Federal. Nessa seção apresentaremos a visualização do “Mosaico” e da “Geologia Orçamentária”, comparando a distribuição do orçamento total do ano com o orçamento específico da conta estudada. A terceira seção mostra como se dá a evolução da conta de Restos a Pagar como percentual do PIB e do orçamento, bem como sua execução ao longo do período estudado (referente às leis orçamentárias de 2001 a 2014). A quarta e última seção traz as principais conclusões da análise.
Resumo:
O tema saúde é o centro do debate nacional e internacional acerca da necessidade de evolução das políticas públicas a serem adotadas pelos órgãos públicos. Portanto, o Estado tem obrigação de executar programas que forneçam, a todos, ações concretas voltadas ao resguardo do direito à saúde. Nessa perspectiva, o objetivo da pesquisa é avaliar as implicações dos restos a pagar na gestão da saúde pública de Mato Grosso, nos anos de 2008 a 2014. Nesse intento, a partir de pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e de campo, observou-se que o Estado está inserido em um ciclo vicioso de inscrição de restos a pagar. As despesas represadas no período mantiveram uma dinâmica de evolução, prejudicando a execução financeira dos programas prioritários da saúde mato-grossense. Segundo os dados, a realização financeira programática deixou de ser considerada ótima em 2008, com 92% de realização, para caracterizar-se como regular em 2014, com 66% de execução. Por meio do estudo de caso, identificou-se que não há como Mato Grosso obter resultados excelentes na implementação dos interesses de sua sociedade se o Estado encontra-se com a credibilidade abalada em relação aos credores, por postergar seus compromissos financeiros, sem respeitar, ou ter a capacidade de executar o orçamento aprovado, adquirindo bens e contratando serviços lançando mão de mecanismos emergenciais que elevam o custo da compra pública e potencializam o poder das empresas na execução do orçamento. Além de deteriorar a programação orçamentária e financeira, criando verdadeiros orçamentos paralelos, conclui-se que o excesso de despesas repassadas do exercício em que deveriam ocorrer para os subsequentes, prejudicou a qualidade dos serviços públicos executados na saúde do Estado, dificultando a realização deste direito fundamental, imprescindível à vida.
Resumo:
Apesar de uma Constituição carregada de direitos sociais visando à transformação da sociedade brasileira, foi somente a partir de 2003 que o país ganhou destaque internacional nas ações de combate à pobreza e desigualdade, tornando-se uma referência. O grande protagonista teria sido o Programa Bolsa Família (PBF), um programa de transferência de renda condicionada que, combinado aos direitos sociais, teria permitido o alívio imediato de situações de extrema pobreza, mas também o desenvolvimento do capital humano atingindo resultados positivos multidimensionais nos seus mais de 10 anos de existência. Tal processo iniciou um debate acerca da necessidade de institucionalizar o programa como uma política de Estado, que para alguns interlocutores significaria transformar o PBF em um “direito” aos moldes dos direitos sociais, impondo uma obrigação aos governos futuros. Diante disso, este trabalho busca identificar, do ponto de vista jurídico e comparado aos direitos sociais, quais as vantagens e desvantagens do PBF na sua configuração atual. Compondo o movimento que busca compreender o papel do direito nas políticas públicas, adotando uma abordagem intra e interdisciplinar, e uma perspectiva funcional; a reflexão é alicerçada em três “eixos”: a cidadania, a judicialização e a vinculação orçamentária. Esse “tripé” foi escolhido em função da estrutura constitucional acerca dos direitos sociais, que em uma leitura funcional representam uma obrigação de fazer ao Estado para a concretização de uma noção de cidadania abrangente; uma dotação orçamentária vinculativa, garantido que parte da receita será destinada a ações de cumprimento dessas obrigações; e os instrumentos para adjudicação, permitindo a exigência dessas ações estatais pelos cidadãos. Assim, este trabalho não buscar descrever ou tentar prescrever a natureza ou alcance das obrigações que a transformação do PBF em direito geraria ao Estado; mas sim refletir sobre as vantagens e desvantagens dessa eventual mudança do programa diante das características estruturais do país, do modelo de sociedade abstratamente desenhado na lei maior e de nossa cultura jurídica acerca dos direitos sociais.
Resumo:
Este estudio tiene como objetivo evaluar los avances y límites de las políticas de accesibilidad en la ciudad de Natal. Se investigan las políticas publicas municipales de accesibilidad implantadas en los diez años subsecuentes, a partir de la sanción de la Ley Municipal de Accesibilidad Nº 4.090 del 03 de junio de 1992, que torna obligatorio la eliminación de las barreras arquitectónicas para personas con discapacidades en los lugares de circulación de peatones y edificios de uso público de la ciudad. Accesibilidad, en los proyectos de arquitectura y urbanismo es la condición esencial para asegurar a cualquier ciudadano su derecho a ir y venir con seguridad, dignidad y autonomía. Esta investigación se concentra en los barrios de: ciudad alta, Petrópolis y Ribeira, ya que esta área, en el período ya mencionado, fue la que tuvo una mayor concentración del presupuesto de inversiones públicas municipales de la ciudad de Natal, en la eliminación de barreras arquitectónicas en vías urbanas. El método adoptado fue el hipotético deductivo, a partir de la formulación de dos hipótesis de trabajo: la primera, una divergencia entre los objetivos propuestos por la Ley Nº 4.090 y sus aplicaciones prácticas y, la segunda, de las diferencias que existen en el grado de entendimiento del concepto de accesibilidad, para eso, se realizó una colecta y análisis de datos tanto empíricos como teóricos. Este estudio también retrata en el año de 2004, con el uso de la técnica de la fotografía, la realidad actual de la ciudad sirviendo como un parámetro comparativo con los proyectos asociados a la Coordinación para integración de las personas con discapacidades. Se utiliza la técnica de entrevista con especialistas en accesibilidad envueltos a lo largo del proceso de implantación de las políticas públicas en la ciudad de Natal, durante los años mencionados, obteniendo así un testimonio sobre las directrices adoptadas en ese período, con base en la legislación vigente. En la investigación documental y fotográfica se realiza una evaluación de la dimensión real de lo propuesto y ejecutado en un periodo de diez años, y se concluye sobre todos los avances y retrocesos de las políticas de gestiones públicas adoptadas con relación a la accesibilidad en la ciudad de Natal
Resumo:
The oscillations presents in control loops can cause damages in petrochemical industry. Canceling, or even preventing such oscillations, would save up to large amount of dollars. Studies have identified that one of the causes of these oscillations are the nonlinearities present on industrial process actuators. This study has the objective to develop a methodology for removal of the harmful effects of nonlinearities. Will be proposed an parameter estimation method to Hammerstein model, whose nonlinearity is represented by dead-zone or backlash. The estimated parameters will be used to construct inverse models of compensation. A simulated level system was used as a test platform. The valve that controls inflow has a nonlinearity. Results and describing function analysis show an improvement on system response
Resumo:
The subject of public safety is part of the academic and popular discussions, due to several factors that act in society culminating in an increasing criminality. The importance of the evaluation of public policies in this context consists in a possible control tool, monitoring and necessary adjustments to the government to make the necessary changes. Given this reality, it is thought the research problem: how Mossoró (RN) city has implemented his public security policy? In general guideline of the research, we work with the following hypothesis: the own formulation of the National Policy of Public Safety there are elements that hinder the implementation of a public policy of municipal security in Mossoró. The objective of this research is to evaluate the existing security public policy in the city of Mossoró, by the elements that facilitate and/or hamper its implementation, through the actions of municipal government in the activities of the Mossoro Civil Guard (GCM). For this, a review of the implementation process was conducted, specifically its subprocesses of selection, training, and logistical or operational. Was used bibliographical research, documental primary and secondary, and field research, with conducting of interviews. It was found that with a staff of 197 guards, and with five years of creation, the actions developed by this institution refer to an early implementation of the municipal security policy. The guard has the basic pattern selection, part of function relocation and part of public tender. The formation occurs in an introductory way, however, not complete and specific, for the function performance. Its operability is limited by the number of existing effective and by the physical structure that has not matching the demand yet, which touches on the municipal budgetary reality of direct resource intended to safety. It was found the absence of a municipal plan of public security with principles, guidelines and goals that could direct the actions of the guard. It is concluded that despite of the implementation of the GCM Mossoró have not achieved, within the parameters of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness have played their actions, projects and programs, it could trigger a process of opening for construction of a municipal security policy. As well as break with the paradigm of municipal actions just meant for surveillance of public property, interaction affirmative for the prevention of violence and crime
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
Resumo:
About two decades ago Brazil has been suffered some important political changes on its government and supporter systems. In these changes the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers support) has been researched significant results as much legislation as executive ways. These conquests propitiate a structure for it to get an alternative motion in order to manage public goods by petista government way. Trying to examinate this we can study the Partido dos Trabalhadores government experience in Acre (1999-2002) to know about why the PT government characteristics are different from the others. To do this we assumed to conjecture a popular participation with priorities inversion and ethics in public resources administration. These are the elements of PT government way. This way we started our work making an evaluation of its bibliography. Them we do a field inquiry to analyses documents of the government projects (budget rules law, papers, approved laws, IBGE, PNUD, TSE) and semi-structured interviews with some characters of recent political Acres life. The scheme and the analysis about these givens disclose that weren t confirmed our hypothesis in part, since PT remained old local politics habitus. In other side the executive administration on PT government has got to inflect the Governance . Further on an efficient management as World Bank dispossess but PT absolve many requests of progressive sectors as well it expanded the society participation to resolutions process. By a cabinets enlargement. So it rescues a total administrative course which is printed in the called petista government way. Personally we think so it means important advancements in this Acre government way
Resumo:
If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health
Resumo:
The overall objective of this study is to analyze the efficiency in the use of resources and the quality of public health in the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte, from 2004 to 2008. It also seeks to identify the determinants of municipal inefficiency and measure the productivity of public spending on health. To this end, three methods of analysis are used: the DEA, the Malmquist index and the Tobit regression model. Among other findings, it appears that municipalities considered more inefficient in the measurement of expenditure on health make the largest expense in this function. On the other hand, from 2004 to 2008, only 13 municipalities showed an increase in the productivity of public spending. It is also noted that municipalities considered efficient in quality of health, although having more physical and human resources, offer fewer health services to the population. In all, the major determinants of health spending inefficiencies are the variables: age of the mayor, coalition, population density, literacy race and budget revenues. Regarding the inefficiency of the health quality, variables such as: coalition, literacy race have strong influence on this behavior. Thereby, the hypotheses proposed by the study have been fully accepted. In other words, for the efficiency of the quality and health spending it is needed more than resources, i.e., the expenditure shows itself as essential, but not enough, for political and economic aspects also interfere with the performance of spent and in the quality of health care offered to the population