1000 resultados para direito fundamental constitucional dos trabalhadores
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The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice
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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health
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If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Esta dissertação se refere a uma pesquisa exploratória que tem como objetivo a Educação Infantil como direito fundamental da criança cega congênita de zero a cinco anos, ou que tenha ficado cega até os 12 meses de vida. Buscou-se compreender os benefícios da integração nos espaços educativos infantis públicos, as políticas públicas federais e as do município de São Paulo, bem como a relação do direito à educação na Modalidade Educação Especial. Para tanto, aborda o que é a cegueira, relacionando aspectos históricos da educação das pessoas com deficiência visual e de políticas públicas com o direito à educação. Embora a educação tenha despertado o interesse de muitos órgãos da sociedade e de agências da ONU, envolvendo documentos jurídicos como a Declaração Universal de Direitos Humanos (1948), a Constituição Federal do Brasil (1988), o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), a Declaração de Salamanca (1994), que se constitui em um marco da Educação Especial, a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (1996) lei esta que garante a educação como direito de todos, conforme o enunciado constitucional e, ainda que a Educação Infantil seja essencial como alicerce da educação básica, ela ainda não é vista como direito fundamental. Esta pesquisa mostra que tanto crianças cegas congênitas quanto seus pais enfrentam obstáculos quando procuram as escolas: falta de vagas nas Creches e EMEIs, formação insuficiente dos pedagogos para trabalhar com a inclusão do aluno com necessidades educacionais especiais, estigmas e falta de estrutura física para a acessibilidade e autonomia do discente. A falta de salas de apoio à inclusão e de equipamentos de educação infantil, bem como de pessoal especializado, são alguns dos exemplos da situação evidenciada, que necessita de um olhar de caráter interventivo no município de São Paulo, sob pena de responsabilização das autoridades responsáveis por sua oferta, por ferir um direito que é fundamental pelas leis nacionais e internacionais.
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Equality as a principle and as a legal rule, integrates brazilian constitutional order since the Constitution of 1891, constituting the target always be sought, built and promoted by the state and society as a whole. Also e xs urgem for protection of equality and non - discrimination, declarations and international treaties, mostly ratified by Brazil. The international protection of human beings with intrinsic value began in the UN Declaration of 1948, which declared the equality of all men in rights and dignity, followed by more specific international documents, in a growing movement of ratification of international standards protection of human rights occurs after the atrocities during the Second World War. Within the Internation al Labour Organisation (ILO), the theme of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships integrates one of its main conventions, to No. 111, ratified by Brazil since 1965, which aims to eliminate discrimination in respect of employment and oc cupation. In this context, lies the collective bargaining work, with her normative instruments arising from the collective agreement and the agreement recognized constitutionally and with full ability to create and establish standards and conditions for de tails of suitable work for each occupational category and economic having the unions the power and duty to use them as a means of effecting the postulates of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships, filling gaps in state law and / or su pplementing it, molding them to existing events in the capital - job. Driven by greater freedom contained in the Constitution of 1988, trading, and with it, the private collective autonomy, in fact, have included the issue of equality and the right to differ ence between clauses created, scheduled to affirmative action and sealing exclusionary conduct, and reported some positive outcomes, such as greater diversity in work and training followed by admission of persons with disabilities environment. These attitu des of union entities and employers should be broadened because corroborate the fulfillment of constitutional requirements for compliance with the international declarations, adapting them to the reality of labor relations and contributing to the construct ion of equality in the pursuit of social justice with the recognition of the right to be different with respect to the inherent dignity of the human condition.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.
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In, Separata do VI vol. do Dicionário Jurídico da Administração Pública e Dicionário Jurídico de Administração Pública, VI, Lisboa, 1994, pp. 165 e ss.
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o direito de antena vem, ao longo da história e especialmente atualmente, adquirindo especial relevo. Originalmente afeto ao campo político-partidário, hoje já é visto como um instrumento importante de efetividade do direito à informação, direito à manifestação do pensamento e à divulgação das idéias. Com efeito, numa sociedade multifacetada e com interesses difusos de origens e formas bastante variadas, como é o caso da maioria das sociedades contemporâneas e também é o caso do Brasil, o direito de antena mostra-se como uma possibilidade concreta de inclusão social e valorização de variados grupos, especialmente os mais vulneráveis, como, por exemplo, as minorias.
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O reconhecimento pela Ciência de que os animais são seres sencientes e conscientes propiciou o surgimento das teorias morais que chamamos de direito animal, bem como o desenvolvimento de alternativas técnicas ao uso de animais, sobretudo na educação. Neste cenário, estudantes de biomédicas se recusam à realização de experimentação animal, baseados no direito à objeção de consciência protegido pela Constituição da República Federativa Brasileira de 1988, que, contudo, tem sido negado pelos tribunais. Este trabalho tem por objetivo, através do estudo de casos, apresentar que as premissas e os fundamentos em que se apoiam os tribunais para negar a objeção de consciência são questionáveis do ponto de vista jurídico, tendo em vista o sentido da objeção de consciência e hermenêutico, pela aplicação do princípio da força normativa da constituição e do princípio da proporcionalidade.
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The Federal Constitution of 1988 is recognized for its enlargement in the face of large amount of provisions that make it up, among which many are fundamental rights. The fundamental rules set up the foundation of a democratic state, however, are the necessary legal mechanisms to be effective, its exercise is not enough merely to state them, but to offer ways for them to stop being just written standard on paper, and come to be viewed and exercised day-to-day. In this sense, access to justice presents itself in our times, as a cornerstone for a just society dictates. In this light, access to justice can be seen as the most fundamental of rights, which translates as instruments able to safeguard the fundamental rights not only against the action/omission violating the state but also the very particular. Furthermore, access to justice within the legal country, is not right for everyone, despite the willingness of the Citizen Charter in its article 5, paragraph LXXIV, ensuring that the State shall provide full and free legal assistance to those in need. More than half of the population lives in poverty and can´t afford to pay legal fees or court costs as well as a bump in their own ignorance of their rights. The judiciary, in their primary function, is in charge of trying to correct the violation of the rights, intending to effect a true distributive justice, serving as a paradigm for the promotion of substantive equality of human beings, however, is difficult and tortuous access Justice for those without financial resources. In this vein, we present the Public Defender, as keeper of the masses in its institutional role, defending a disadvantage, in the words, as a mechanism for effective access to justice, ensuring therefore fundamental rights. Public Defenders arise at the time or much discussion highlights the priority of actual access to justice, custody, therefore, intimate bond with the pursuit of fundamental rights, in which, that advance the broad range of rights, without whom could defend them or guardianship them