967 resultados para black studies


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The purposes of this study were: (a) to compare the impact of One-to-One (OTO) mentoring interventions administered in the high school setting, and the workplace of the students who participated in the School-to-Work (STW) transitional program, and (b) to identify how the participants perceived their experience in the OTO mentoring program and the STW transitional program. A qualitative approach was used to identify how participants perceived their mentoring experiences with the STW and OTO mentoring programs by utilizing focus groups and content analysis. A quantitative approach was used to compare the statistical differences of outcomes between the STW and OTO mentoring programs, by utilizing descriptive statistics, independent samples t-tests, chi-square analyses, and logistic regression. The sample was limited to participants in the STW and OTO mentoring programs resulting in 21 participants for the qualitative approach and 114 participants for the quantitative approach. ^ Results from the qualitative approach indicated that focus group participants in the STW program were satisfied with the program and the relationship with their mentors. They also suggested that the STW program be lengthened to include the entire academic year. Participants from the OTO focus group were dissatisfied with their program due to inadequate mentor involvement. Results from the quantitative approach showed that the increase in school attendance for the STW program's at-risk Black male youth was statistically significant compared to the OTO program participants; the STW program participants displayed a better outlook for attending college that was statistically significant compared to those in the OTO program; and the OTO program participants displayed a better outlook for permanent employment compared to those in the STW program. ^ Therefore, this study finds that mentoring can contribute to reducing school absences and high school completion in order for at-risk Black adolescents to attend college. It is recommended that the OTO program be restructured to eliminate the disparity that exists regarding the administration of the STW program and the OTO program. ^

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the common factors and experiences that contribute to the success of high ability Black students enrolled in Frank C. Martin Elementary School, the first school in Florida authorized to offer the International Baccalaureate (IB) Primary Years Programme (PYP). The study further sought to determine ways in which educators and stakeholders assisted in maintaining and in increasing Black students' achievement that motivated and encouraged them to pursue similar programs at the middle and high school levels. ^ Three sources of data were used: (a) individual interviews with fourth and fifth grade high ability Black students using a semi-structured format elicited discussion of their perceptions of the PYP and factors contributing to their success; (b) individual interviews with their fourth and fifth grade teachers elicited discussion of teacher expectations and effective instructional strategies; and (c) a questionnaire asked parents of the participating students their reasons for choosing the PYP, their perceptions of the program, and their own level of involvement in their child's learning. Three separate focus groups gathered further data. ^ The results revealed that the factors contributing to the success of high ability Black elementary school students are consistent with those of students in other racial groups. These are a challenging program, high teacher and parental expectations, strong parental involvement and support, a celebration of culture and diversity in a caring and nurturing environment, and the development and internalization of positive attitudes. ^ Implications for future studies might include a longitudinal study conducted over seven years to trace the achievements of Black students throughout the entire IB Program. ^

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This study tests Ogbu and Simons' Cultural-Ecological Theory of School Performance using data from the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study of 2001 (PIRLS), a large-scale international survey and reading assessment involving fourth grade students from 35 countries, including the United States. This theory argues that Black immigrant students outperform their non-immigrant counterparts, academically, and that achievement differences are attributed to stronger educational commitment in Black immigrant families. Four hypotheses are formulated to test this theory: Black immigrant students have (a) more receptive attitudes toward reading; (b) a more positive reading self-concept; and (c) a higher level of reading literacy. Furthermore, (d) the relationship of immigrant status to reading perceptions and literacy persists after including selected predictors. These hypotheses are tested separately for girls and boys, while also examining immigrant students' generational status (i.e., foreign-born or second-generation). ^ PIRLS data from a subset of Black students (N=525) in the larger U.S. sample of 3,763 are analyzed to test the hypotheses, using analysis of variance, correlation and multiple regression techniques. Findings reveal that hypotheses a and b are not confirmed (contradicting the Cultural-Ecological Theory) and c and d are partially supported (lending partial support to the theory). Specifically, immigrant and non-immigrant students did not differ in attitudes toward reading or reading self-concept; second-generation immigrant boys outperformed both non-immigrant and foreign-born immigrant boys in reading literacy, but no differences were found among girls; and, while being second-generation immigrant had a relatively stronger relationship to reading literacy for boys, among girls, selected socio-cultural predictors, number of books in the home and length of U.S. residence, had relatively stronger relationship to reading self-concept than did immigrant status. This study, therefore, indicates that future research employing the Cultural-Ecological Theory should: (a) take gender and generational status into account (b) identify additional socio-cultural predictors of Black children's academic perceptions and performance; and (c) continue to build on this body of evidence-based knowledge to better inform educational policy and school personnel in addressing needs of all children. ^

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Prior to the Civil Rights Movement, fewer than 50 Black judges had been elected or appointed to the judiciary. As of August 2015, there are over 1,000 Black state and federal judges. As the number of black judges has increased, one question arises: have American courts been altered purely by this substantial increase? One expectation—and, at times, a prediction—behind the increased descriptive representation of Black judges is that their mere presence would alter the judiciary. It was supposed that these judges would substantively represent Black interests in the decisions they made. In other words, it was suspected, and predicted, that Blacks in the judiciary would enhance equality and justice by being aware of, responsive to, and advocating for African Americans. This theory about the likely role of Black judges derives from theoretical work on political representation and racial group consciousness, and empirical studies of Black elite behavior in other political institutions.

Despite such predictions, there is no corresponding scholarly consensus regarding whether Black judges possess a racial group consciousness and have racially distinctive judicial behavior. Therefore, the theory undergirding the demand for increased diversification, as a means to transform the judiciary, remains unsubstantiated. This is precisely where this project, “They’re There, Now What?: The Identities, Behavior, and Perceptions of Black Judges,” seeks to intervene in and explore, if not settle, the matter of whether black judges possess a racial group consciousness and exhibit racially-distinctive judicial behavior. It addresses a set of interrelated questions relevant to understanding whether we can view Black judges as representatives in ways that are similar to how we view other Black political officials. I examine these questions using a multi-method approach. For my analyses, I draw on diverse materials: the published biographies of every Black judge appointed to the federal bench, a survey experiment with a nationally-representative adult sample, and semi-structured interviews with 30 Black judges.

This research, which engages with scholarship on representation, group consciousness, judicial behavior, and candidate perceptions, offers new insights into the lives, perceptions, and behavior of Black judges, as well as the manifestations of Black substantive representation in the judiciary. My dissertation argues that, despite the general reluctance to use the term “representation” when referring to judges, we can consider Black judges as representatives. Black judges behave as substantive representatives by (1) sharing and understanding the experience, history, and perspectives of Black Americans, (2) challenging language, persons, policies, and laws they feel negatively affect, or violate the rights and liberties of, African Americans, (3) respecting African American litigants, and (4) ensuring the rights of African Americans are protected and the needs of black Americans are being met.

Only through research that considers the perspectives, identities, perceptions, and behavior of Black judges will we arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of racial diversity in the courts. As this project finds, a link between descriptive representation and substantive representation can, and frequently does exist within the judicial context. Such a link is significant given that Blacks’ liberty and justice through the American legal system continues to be subject to those who exercise judicial power. This dissertation has implications for the discourse surrounding the need for increased descriptive and substantive representation of Blacks in the judiciary, and the factors that affect representation in the justice system.

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Black students are consistently overrepresented in categories of academic underachievement. Parent engagement has long been touted as an effective strategy for improving the educational outcomes of Black children. However, most parent engagement research reflects deficit based perspectives frame Black parents as problems that must be fixed or mitigated before they can positively contribute to their children’s education. Consequently, parent engagement research and frameworks ignore the perspectives of Black parents and the assets they use to participate effectively in parent engagement. In this case study, I draw on individual and focus group interview data, documents, and observations, to examine how fifteen Black families, collectively known as FACE: 1) define and participate in parental engagement, 2) experience barriers to and opportunities for engagement, and 3) experience benefits of engagement for their children and their own personal development. Guided by Black Feminist and Critical Race Theories, I show how Black families in this study used a myriad of engagement strategies to improve their children’s educational experiences which were invisible to schools and how they used school-sanctioned engagement activities to meet their own objectives. Ultimately, I argue that school-centered parent engagement frameworks and models are ineffective for empowering Black families and accounting for the essential ways that these families contribute to the well-being of their children. Based on my findings, I discuss implications for theory, practice and policy, and research, and make recommendations for a more family-centered approach to parent engagement.

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This dissertation presents a thick ethnography that engages in the micro-analysis of the situationality of black middle-class collective identification processes through an examination of performances by members of the nine historically black sororities and fraternities at Atlanta Greek Picnic, an annual festival that occurs at the beginning of June in Atlanta, Georgia. It mainly attracts undergraduate and graduate members of these university-based organizations, as they exist all over the United States. This exploration of black Greek-letter organization (BGLO) performances uncovers processes through which young black middle-class individuals attempt to combine two universes that are at first glance in complete opposition to each other: the domain of the traditional black middle-class values with representations and fashions stemming from black popular culture. These constructions also attempt to incorporate—in a contradiction of sorts— black popular cultural elements in the objective to deconstruct the social conservatism that characterizes middle-class values, particularly in relation to sexuality and its representation in social behaviors and performances. This negotiation between prescribed v middle-class values of respectability and black popular culture provides a space wherein black individuals challenge and/or perpetuate those dominant tropes through identity performances that feed into the formation of black sexual politics, which I examine through a variety of BGLO staged and non-staged performances. ^

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This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.

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From tendencies to reduce the Underground Railroad to the imperative "follow the north star" to the iconic images of Ruby Bridges' 1960 "step forward" on the stairs of William Frantz Elementary School, America prefers to picture freedom as an upwardly mobile development. This preoccupation with the subtractive and linear force of development makes it hard to hear the palpable steps of so many truant children marching in the Movement and renders illegible the nonlinear movements of minors in the Underground. Yet a black fugitive hugging a tree, a white boy walking alone in a field, or even pieces of a discarded raft floating downstream like remnants of child's play are constitutive gestures of the Underground's networks of care and escape. Responding to 19th-century Americanists and cultural studies scholars' important illumination of the child as central to national narratives of development and freedom, "Minor Moves" reads major literary narratives not for the child and development but for the fugitive trace of minor and growth.

In four chapters, I trace the physical gestures of Nathaniel Hawthorne's Pearl, Harriet Beecher Stowe's Topsy, Harriet Wilson's Frado, and Mark Twain's Huck against the historical backdrop of the Fugitive Slave Act and the passing of the first compulsory education bills that made truancy illegal. I ask how, within a discourse of independence that fails to imagine any serious movements in the minor, we might understand the depictions of moving children as interrupting a U.S. preoccupation with normative development and recognize in them the emergence of an alternative imaginary. To attend to the movement of the minor is to attend to what the discursive order of a development-centered imaginary deems inconsequential and what its grammar can render only as mistakes. Engaging the insights of performance studies, I regard what these narratives depict as childish missteps (Topsy's spins, Frado's climbing the roof) as dances that trouble the narrative's discursive order. At the same time, drawing upon the observations of black studies and literary theory, I take note of the pressure these "minor moves" put on the literal grammar of the text (Stowe's run-on sentences and Hawthorne's shaky subject-verb agreements). I regard these ungrammatical moves as poetic ruptures from which emerges an alternative and prior force of the imaginary at work in these narratives--a force I call "growth."

Reading these "minor moves" holds open the possibility of thinking about a generative association between blackness and childishness, one that neither supports racist ideas of biological inferiority nor mandates in the name of political uplift the subsequent repudiation of childishness. I argue that recognizing the fugitive force of growth indicated in the interplay between the conceptual and grammatical disjunctures of these minor moves opens a deeper understanding of agency and dependency that exceeds notions of arrested development and social death. For once we interrupt the desire to picture development (which is to say the desire to picture), dependency is no longer a state (of social death or arrested development) of what does not belong, but rather it is what Édouard Glissant might have called a "departure" (from "be[ing] a single being"). Topsy's hard-to-see pick-pocketing and Pearl's running amok with brown men in the market are not moves out of dependency but indeed social turns (a dance) by way of dependency. Dependent, moving and ungrammatical, the growth evidenced in these childish ruptures enables different stories about slavery, freedom, and childishness--ones that do not necessitate a repudiation of childishness in the name of freedom, but recognize in such minor moves a fugitive way out.

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Comme une grande partie des îles de la Caraïbe, pour des raisons économiques basées sur le mercantilisme, justifiées par une législation, la Martinique, née il y a trois siècles, a connu un emmêlement massif de diverses ethnies. Suite à l’abolition de l’esclavage en 1848 et à la crise agricole qui en découla, c’est un brassage de coutumes qui s’opéra avec l’immigration des Hindous, des Africains, des Chinois et des Indochinois. Ce faisant, ces coutumes ont conservé leurs traditions et croyances propres, expliquant ainsi la fusion d'éléments de ces cultures, encore présente aujourd’hui. En abolissant l’esclavage, la « Loi » abolit également la réification, rétablissant ainsi l’humanité de l’homme, puisque l’esclave noir était considéré comme un bien meuble . Il en résulte la création d’un nouveau monde, modifiant la vie culturelle, déployant des habitus, ainsi qu’une manière de penser et d’agir. Aussi, un nouveau langage se structure progressivement. En 1946, la Martinique est reconnue département français d’Amérique. Aujourd’hui, elle se trouve dans une dépendance économique et sociale. De cet état de fait, un conflit s’impose à l’Afro-Martiniquais quant à la question de l’identité. Il se trouve partagé entre le contexte franco-européen et le milieu afro-antillais. Cette contradiction émane aussi de situations de confrontation, d’où se dégage souvent un ressenti de « fatalité » voire de « malédiction » entraînant « un sentiment de culpabilité collective » d’oser défier l’ordre social en place. Notre recherche vise à analyser ce dilemme de la dépendance à partir de l’énoncé des malédictions puis des considérations historiques suivies d'une perspective psychanalytique.

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En este estudio de caso pretende dar respuesta a que factores vitalizan la cooperación Española en Mozambique a través del análisis de programas como el VITA, dirigidos específicamente al desarrollo y mejoramiento de la salud en el continente Africano. Este estudio de caso se centra en el investigación de los discursos de desarrollo que se fundamentan en las políticas internacionales de cooperación , basadas en la existencia de una enfermedad como el VIH que ha puesto en manifiesto la interacción entre la esfera biológica y social , social e individual entre el fenómeno existencial y cultural, lo que fundamenta su importancia y estudio. Se ha escogido esta herramienta de investigación social, en este estudio de caso, para abordar la forma en que funciona y opera la AECID en Mozambique a través de los programas con enfoque de género encaminados al problema del VIH. Se pretende dar a conocer el desarrollo en materia de la cooperación internacional de una organización tan importante como la AECID, cuyos proyectos gozan de una gran credibilidad en cuanto a la ejecución de sus acciones y que en general dichos proyectos se adecuan a las necesidades de la población, a los objetivos de desarrollo nacionales y a las prioridades de la cooperación española.

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Este libro apunta a impulsar estudios sociomusicales y la participación en la comunidad académica internacional que trabaja estos campos. Temáticas y enfoques de los artículos muestran la multiplicidad de esta investigación sobre música y sociedad. Están investigadores de trayectoria como Carlos Miñana sobre músicas indígenas andinas e historiografía del folclor, o Adolfo González y Jorge Nieves sobre música y cultura popular en la región del Caribe. Profesores que han estado configurando sus publicaciones y líneas de investigación como Hugues Sánchez sobre historia musical en el Magdalena Grande o Beatriz Goubert sobre hibridaciones y pedagogías musicales. Michael Birenbaum en su tesis doctoral se ocupa de las intersecciones entre política y música en el Pacífico. Investigadoras que abren nuevos campos como Alejandra Isaza sobre música colonial en Medellín, Alexandra Quintana sobre discriminación de género y mujeres músicas en los festivales de gaitas y Lorena Aja sobre tensiones de la intercuturalidad de las músicas en San Andrés.

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El presente caso de estudio tiene como objetivo explicar el rol de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Tanzania, Mozambique, Nigeria para la consolidación del liderazgo político internacional de Japón. El interés de realizar esta investigación es la ampliación del conocimiento sobre el uso del poder blando, para alcanzar los objetivos de política exterior japonesa. Por eso, se llevara a cabo una revisión bibliográfica para el análisis de documentos oficiales y artículos académicos para la consolidación de información. A partir de ello, se pretende demostrar que la cooperación al desarrollo es una herramienta de política exterior japonesa para consolidarse como líder, en la medida en que el uso de herramientas propias de la cooperación y el presupuesto destinada a la ejecución de éstas tienen incidencia en los votos de estos Estados africanos para las iniciativas japonesas en las Naciones Unidas.

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Esta monografía busca analizar cómo el fenómeno de los refugiados ambientales que se generó a partir del terremoto en Haití de 2010, ha influido sobre el complejo de seguridad en la región de el Caribe, desde el 2010 hasta el 2015, teniendo en cuenta la crisis social provocada por el desastre ambiental, ya que en razón de la carencia de estatus legal y de amenazas interdependientes y multidimensionales obligó a los Estados del área a modificar sus políticas de seguridad, mediante la interacción de los países, puesto que se presentaron diferentes cambios en las relaciones del complejo de seguridad, lo cual determino nuevas transformaciones en la securitización de la región. Esta monografía recurrirá a la teoría de Complejos de Seguridad Regional de autores como: Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, Derrick Frazier y Robert Stewart.

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A cohort study study design was used to study the relationship of maternal low birthweight and infant low birthweight among African American women delivering full term infants. The cohort consisted of 3,157 mother-infant pairs drawn from the 1988 National Maternal and Infant Health Survey conducted by the National Center for Health Statistics. The objectives of the study were (1) to determine if low birthweight, African American mothers delivering term infants experienced higher rates of infant low birthweight and (2) to examine the role of selected contributory variables in the relationship of maternal low birthweight and infant low birthweight. Contributory risk factors examined included maternal marital status, maternal age, maternal education, maternal height, maternal prepregnant weight, birth order, history of a prior low birthweight delivery, timing of prenatal care, number of prenatal visits, gestational length, infant gender, and behavioral factors of smoking, alcohol, and illicit drug use during pregnancy.^ Using logistic regression analysis, risk of infant low birthweight among maternal low birthweight mothers increased after controlling for less than a high school education, less than 20 years of age, prepregnant weight less than 100 lbs, history of a prior low birthweight delivery, birth order, smoking during pregnancy, and use of alcohol and illicit drugs during pregnancy, but was not statistically significant. Loss of statistical significance was attributed to a large reduction in cases available for analysis after including illicit drug use in the model.^ This study demonstrated a consistent pattern of increased rates of infant low birthweight among low birthweight mothers. The force of history remains, hence women with this trait should be carefully monitored and advised during pregnancy to decrease risk of a low birthweight infant, in order to decrease the chain of events leading to future generations of low birthweight mothers. ^

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Purpose. To evaluate the effectiveness of a culturally sensitive educational intervention that used an African American lay survivor of breast cancer to increase knowledge of breast cancer, decrease cancer fatalism, and increase participation in mobile mammography screening among African American women. ^ Design. Experimental pretest/posttest design. ^ Setting. Two predominantly African American churches in a large southwestern metropolitan city. ^ Sample. Participants included 93 African American women, 40 years of age and older. Participants were randomly assigned to an intervention group (n = 48) or a control group (n = 45). ^ Methods. Pretest and post-test measures included the Breast Cancer Knowledge Test and the Powe Fatalism Inventory. In addition, demographic and breast screening practices were collected by questionnaire. The intervention group received a breast cancer educational testimonial from an African American lay survivor of breast cancer, who answered questions and addressed concerns, while stressing the importance of taking responsibility for one's own health and spreading disease prevention messages throughout the African American community. The control group viewed the American Cancer Society “Keep In Touch” video prepared specifically for African American women. Participants in both groups were given culturally sensitive educational materials designed to increase knowledge about breast cancer, and were instructed on breast self-examination by an African American registered nurse, using ethnically appropriate breast models. In addition, after the post-test, all eligible participants were given an opportunity to have a free mammogram via a mobile mammography unit parked at the church. ^ Findings. Participants in the intervention group had a significant increase (p = .03) in knowledge of breast cancer and a significant decrease (p = .000) in fatalism scores compared to those individuals in the control group. The intervention group had a 61% participation rate in screening, while the control group had a 39% participation rate in screening. However, the difference was not statistically significant at the .05 level (p = .07). ^ Conclusions. Results demonstrate that culturally sensitive breast cancer education is successful in increasing knowledge and decreasing cancer fatalism. While there was a trend toward behavior change in the intervention group, more research needs to be done in this area. ^