'Haunts of the street bully' : social reform and the Queensland children's playground movement

This article is about the Queensland children's playground movement and its development in Brisbane. It pays particular attention to three Brisbane playgrounds: Neal Macrossan Playground (formerly Paddington Playground); Bedford Playground (formerly Spring Hill Playground); and the Valley Playground, which has since been replaced by a building. The paper pays especial attention to the work of the local children's playground protagonist Mary Josephine Bedford, which will be seen within the context of the international movement.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

Vai passar nessa avenida um samba popular: movimento social em defesa dos direitos de crianças e adolescentes na constituição cidadã

Esta é uma investigação que se insere na Linha de Pesquisa: Infância, Juventude e Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro. A questão central da pesquisa é analisar o Movimento Social que, durante o processo constituinte de 1988, forjou de um novo conceito de infância e propôs novas práticas sociais em relação à criança e ao adolescente no Brasil presentes nos artigos 227 e 228 da Carta Magna. Trata-se de pesquisa de natureza qualitativa na qual trabalhamos com análise dos documentos relativos à questão da infância e da juventude encaminhados para a Subcomissão da Família, do Menor e do Idoso. Foram eles: (i) Sugestões encaminhadas por Entidades Representativas da Sociedade, (ii) as Emendas Populares e (iii) Audiências Públicas. O estudo dos textos evidenciou a urgência de uma ruptura com as práticas sociais existentes. Havia, na fala dos novos atores sociais, consenso em relação à garantia de direitos de crianças e adolescentes influenciados pelos argumentos da Declaração Universal dos Direitos da Criança de 1959. Ressaltamos a participação da Comissão Nacional Criança e Adolescente na discussão e organização das propostas e sugestões encaminhadas ao Congresso Nacional. Foi possível investigar a influente participação da Igreja neste processo e o debate em torno da FUNABEM. A pesquisa contribuiu para o entendimento da participação popular como instrumento de pressão na formação do campo da criança e do adolescente durante o processo Constituinte.

Favelados e pobladores nas ciências sociais: a construção teórica de um movimento social

Como as ciências sociais contribuíram para produzir teoricamente o movimento de pobladores chileno e de favelados no Brasil durante o século XX? Mediante a revisão crítica das principais teorias e perspectivas que tentaram compreender a ação política dos pobres urbanos de Santiago do Chile e do Rio de Janeiro, se espera mostrar a relação de proximidade entre estes movimentos e a produção das ciências sociais, onde operaria uma dupla hermenêutica, ou seja, um processo de reflexividade mutuamente influente que terminaria por incidir na constituição e reconhecimento dos movimentos enquanto tais. Esta tese tem o intuito de analisar como as ciências sociais performam as lutas sociais que buscam descrever, em outras palavras, como determinadas conjunturas acadêmicas interatuam positiva ou negativamente com as disputas políticas e sociais produzidas a partir dos movimentos em questão. Para tanto, se revisaram as principais perspectivas que estudaram a questão social urbana: a teoria da marginalidade, a urbanização dependente, a teoria dos movimentos sociais urbanos, as leituras utilitárias e a teoria dos novos movimentos sociais; mostrando como estas interpretações flutuaram entre o réquiem, o redescobrimento e a negação de favelados e pobladores como movimentos sociais.

Museums as a factor for the social integration of art in the community. The experience of cultural volunteering by members of the senior community

After considering museums as cultural institutions responsible for preserving cultural memory and its evolution over time, this article describes the cultural practices within our society that are aimed at disseminating art and at reproducing and transmitting culture, history and identity. Further, it considers the key role that older people are steadily assuming in Spain’s ageing society. New social-empowerment activities based on volunteering by the elderly are linked to generativity because the individual and social groups acquire new skills through those activities, thereby strengthening a society for all ages. Never in the history of social work have so many older people been prepared to participate actively at the community level, and never has a social movement with these features gone so unnoticed by so many social agents.

The visual representation of the “indignados”. A visual analysis about the characterization of the participants of the 15-M movement.

The aim of this work is to show the type of media coverage done by the newspapers La Razón, El País and Público about the 15-M social movement during the time that the camping at Sol took place. Specifically, in terms of how the characterization of the “indignados” (outraged) got made. Based on our previous descriptive observations, we approached a visual analysis of the photographs published on the paper editions of those mainstream media from May 15-June 12 of the 2011. we started from a total sample of 379 items, developing:1) A content analysis of La Razón, El País, and Público; the most frequents words of each media, articles classifications from the reviews found on them (expositive, positive-evaluation, negative-evaluation).2) An analysis of the 408 images obtained from the total sample, which establishes a clear evolution of the “indignados” profile and how differently each media took the movement as such. That’s, when they stop naming them “indignados”, and recognize its nature as social movement by calling it: “Movimiento 15-M"...

Key issues in the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain: The Left, Identity and Globalizing Processes

This article highlights the importance of dedicating a whole special issue on New and Alternative Social movements in Spain. It sets the basis for this endeavour by emphasizing the importance of the 2004, unexpected, electoral victory of the Spanish socialists, and the subsequent satisfaction of the important demands promoted by certain social movements actors and Spanish society in general (the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq, the cancellation of the National Hydrological Plan and the Legalization of same sex marriages. The view supported is that these developments signify the end of a protest cycle, which could have the same effect with the early 1980s socialist victory. After a discussion around the low associationalism that characterizes Spanish society and recent experience of authoritarianism, it is suggested that it is time for the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain and other south European societies to move beyond the emphasis on exceptionality but appreciate differences by focusing on the available political opportunities and the identity of social movement actors. The remainder of the article is dedicated to introducing the contributing articles.

Web-based social movements contesting marketing strategy: Mobilization of multiple actors and rhetorical strategies

Previous studies suggest that marketing strategy is developed and used to mobilise and configure the actions of firm actors, creating a set of stabilising activities focused on the firm–customer dyad. Destabilising forces precipitated by the Internet and associated digital technologies involving contention and disruption by multiple actors are much less prevalent in the marketing literature. The central point we advance is that rather than marketing strategy being a controlled and stabilising force for firms in their relationships with customers, it can often lead to socially produced spaces where consumers and, importantly, other multiple actors form a social movement to actively attempt to destabilise it and contest its legitimacy. Using an innovative research approach, the findings of this study show how social movements proactively enrol and mobilise a wide range of relevant actors into a network of influence. Critical to this are rhetorical strategies, acting as important levers in attempts to destabilise and delegitimise a dominant firm's marketing strategy.

New and Alternative Social Movements in Spain: The Left, Identity and Globalizing Processes

This collection offers a diachronic analytical study of new and alternative social movements in Spain from the democratic transition to the first decade of the 21st century, paying attention to anti-war mobilizations and the use of new technologies as a mobilizing resource. New and alternative social movements are studied through the prism of identified linkages among the left, movement identities and global processes in the Spanish context. Weight is given to certain important historical aspects, like Spain’s relatively recent authoritarian past, and certain value-added factors, such as the weak associationalism and materialism exhibited by the Spanish public. These are complemented by exploring insights offered by key theoretical approaches on social movements (political opportunities structures, resource mobilization). The volume covers established social movement cases (gender, peace, environmental movements) as well as those with a more explicit connection to the current context of global contestation (squatters’ and anti-globalization movements).

Gold, power, protest: Digital and social media and protests against large-scale mining projects in Colombia

Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.

The green movement in Canada

The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

Étude du documentaire écologiste comme genre cinématographique et de ses impacts individuels et collectifs au sein du mouvement social

La création cinématographique de l'étudiant qui accompagne ce mémoire sous la forme d'un DVD est disponible à la Médiathèque de la Bibliothèque des lettres et des sciences humaines sous le titre : Le Manifeste : des citoyens d'une planète en péril.(http://atrium.umontreal.ca/notice/UM-ALEPH002327356)

Le mouvement communautaire haïtien de Montréal en tant que mouvement social

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Social movements and environmentalism, a Luhmannian view

Depuis les années cinquante la sociologie a été concernée par le phénomène des mouvements sociaux. Diverses théories ont essayé de les expliquer. Du collective behaviour à la mobilisation des ressources, par l`entremise de processus politiques, et de la perspective de framing jusqu'à la théorie des nouveaux mouvements sociaux, la sociologie a trouvé certains moyens pour expliquer ces phénomènes. Bien que toutes ces perspectives couvrent et saisissent des facettes importantes des angles de l'action collective, ils le font de manière disparate, en regardant un côté et en omettant l'autre. Les différences entre les points de vue proviennent, d'une part, d'un changement dans les contextes sociaux, historiques et scientifiques, et d'autre part du fait que les différentes approches ne posent pas les mêmes questions, même si certaines questions se chevauchent. Poser des questions différentes amène à considérer des aspects différents. En conséquence, ce n'est pas seulement une question de donner une réponse différente à la même question, mais aussi une question de regarder le même objet d'étude, à partir d'un angle différent. Cette situation réside à la base de la première partie de ma thèse principale: le champ de la théorie des mouvements sociaux n'est pas suffisant, ni suffisamment intégré pour expliquer l'action collective et nous avons besoin d'une théorie plus complète afin d'obtenir une meilleure compréhension des mouvements et la façon dont ils remplissent leur rôle de précurseurs de changement dans la société. Par conséquent, je considère que nous avons besoin d'une théorie qui est en mesure d'examiner tous les aspects des mouvements en même temps et, en outre, est capable de regarder au-delà de la forme de l'objet d’étude afin de se concentrer sur l'objet lui-même. Cela m'amène à la deuxième partie de l'argument, qui est l'affirmation selon laquelle la théorie générale des systèmes telle que formulée par Niklas Luhmann peut contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de l'action collective. Il s'agit d'une théorie intégrale qui peut compléter le domaine de la théorie de l`action collective en nous fournissant les outils nécessaires pour rechercher dynamiquement les mouvements sociaux et de les comprendre dans le contexte social en perpétuel changement. Une analyse du mouvement environnementaliste sera utilisé pour montrer comment les outils fournis par cette théorie nous permettent de mieux comprendre non seulement les mouvements sociaux, mais également le contexte dans lequel ils fonctionnent, comment ils remplissent leur rôle, comment ils évoluent et comment ils changent aussi la société.

Contemporary Social Movements and the Web

Social Movements are decentralising in the modern world. Web 2.0 has driven latency structures in social movements, and made activism more personal than ever before, but it has also introduced the concept of slacktivism. Micro-Macro relationships are becoming important theoretical frameworks for Social Movement research on the Web - has the Global Justice Movement of 1999 become Global Justice Networks in 2013?