938 resultados para Soberania popular


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Tem-se observado em todo o mundo e no Brasil, especialmente após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, uma grande alteração da postura do Judiciário, que tem se sentido à vontade para, com base na Carta de Direitos positivada no texto constitucional, interferir em decisões políticas ou em relações jurídicas. Este movimento tem causado certa perplexidade na comunidade jurídica, pois parte dela o encara como uma ameaça aos valores democráticos e à soberania popular, enquanto outros entendem que a intervenção do Judiciário nestes casos, ao ouvir imparcialmente as demandas de grupos fragilizados, tem contribuído para sua inclusão e, portanto, para o aprimoramento da democracia. O ponto de partida deste trabalho é de que a novidade do fenômeno ainda não permitiu sua completa compreensão, nem a avaliação de suas reais dimensões e que o Judiciário não é, necessariamente, mais aberto a ouvir demandas de grupos fragilizados. Para comprovar esta hipótese, observarei como o Judiciário tem atuado na questão habitacional, que constitui um tema central para a discussão do papel das instituições jurídicas, sem mencionar que constitui o déficit habitacional um problema crônico e de enorme dimensão no Brasil. Finalmente, o direito à moradia foi escolhido porque coloca, de maneira muito nítida, o juiz frente ao dilema de atuar como um agente de transformação social ou de continuar no exercício de sua função tradicional de solucionador de conflitos. Para realizar minha tarefa, observei a jurisprudência produzida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, pelos Superior Tribunal de Justiça e pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Estado de São Paulo, onde está localizado o maio centro urbano do Brasil e concentra-se a demanda habitacional, desde a promulgação da Emenda Constitucional n.º 26 em 14 de fevereiro de 2000 até 25 de abril de 2010. A minha conclusão é a de que os tribunais estudados pouco interferem em políticas públicas habitacionais ou em relações jurídicas para a proteção à moradia, cujo conteúdo, por esta e outras razões, continua ainda muito pouco definido.

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O tema "controle social" nunca esteve tão em voga quanto atualmente. Trata-se de mais uma inovação produzida pelo estado democrático de direito, e que consiste, entre outros objetivos, na busca da legitimidade e da eficiência dos atos da administração pública, na redução das distâncias entre esta e a sociedade, na vinculação das demandas sociais às políticas públicas, e, é claro, no fortalecimento dos controles e da fiscalização. A premissa básica deste trabalho é a suposição de que há sinergia entre o controle social e o controle externo exercido pelos tribunais de contas, valendo-se para tal afirmação da avaliação das práticas do Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Tocantins no estímulo à participação cidadã. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho de pesquisa é mostrar como o exercício do controle social, exercido pelo cidadão mediante mecanismos adequados criados pelos tribunais de contas, pode interagir com o controle externo de sua responsabilidade, com ganhos significativos para os controles da administração pública. Entre esses mecanismos, as ouvidorias dessas instituições estão entre as ações mais fortes que promovem o controle social. As ouvidorias nos tribunais de contas representam canais de controle da sociedade sobre a gestão pública, e abrem importante espaço para o debate e o consenso em tomo do objetivo comum dos tribunais e da sociedade: a correta aplicação dos recursos públicos que garanta eficiência, eficácia e efetividade. Para atingir seus objetivos, os tribunais de contas necessitam identificar e coibir as práticas contrárias ao interesse público presentes na formação social brasileira, tais como: a má gestão, a corrupção e a ineficiência. Assim, com vistas a identificá-Ias e coibi-Ias, é fundamental a participação da sociedade, que pode, deve e precisa contribuir neste sentido. Desta forma, apresentamos as práticas dos TCs do Brasil quanto ao tema, e, ainda, em detalhe, a ouvidoria do TCE-TO, e destacamos outras ações de estímulo ao controle social e à participação cidadã executadas por aquela Corte de Contas.

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Este é um estudo sobre as associações de radiodifusão comunitárias sob o conceito de esfera pública de Jürgen Habermas. Neste sentido, tais associações são consideradas espaços comunicativos autônomos e plurais, sensíveis aos reclamos da vida social e política das comunidades em que estão inseridos. As rádios comunitárias são tomadas como canais de construção democrática na perspectiva da necessária conjugação entre a soberania popular e os direitos humanos fundamentais, ou seja, pela efetiva participação popular na vida política e pela efetividade da liberdade de comunicação.

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The conceptions of the judicial function, the process and the factors of legitimacy of the norm of decision are changed according to the model of State (liberal, social democratic and constitutional). The right of access to justice, likewise, follows the ideals present in constitutional movements experienced in different historical moments. The deficit of legitimacy of the judiciary is recurring subject of study in the doctrine, especially in the face of democratic standards that permeate the current paradigm of state. Under the process law, the essential element for the distinction of the states based on the rule of law (formal and material) and the democratic constitutional state lies in the democratic guarantee of participation to the litigants in the process of elaborating the norm of decision. The concern about the participatory democracy and the concretion of fundamental rights has as presupposition the conception of popular sovereignty. Keeping this effort in mind, the civil procedure cannot be oblivious to such considerations, especially when it justifies its constitutional conformation from the institutionalization of discourse within the procedural field (democratic principle) and of the democratization of access to justice, leading to the necessary contestation of the theory of instrumentality of the process. The democratic prospects of civil procedure and the concern about the legitimacy of the rule of decision cannot be moved away from the analysis of the judicial function and the elements that influence the legal suit s progress. The computerization of the judicial process entails extensive modification in the way the judicial function is developed, in view of automation of activities held, of the eliminating of bureaucratic tasks, manual and repetitive, and of streamlining the procedure. The objective of this study is to analyze the dogmatic changes and resulting practices from the implementation of the Judicial Electronic Process (JEP), prepared by the National Council of Justice, under the parameters of procedural discourse and democratic access to justice. Two hypotheses are raised, which, based on a bibliographic-documentary, applied and exploratory research, are contested dialectically. The expansion of publicity of procedural acts and the facilitating of communication and practice of such acts are elements that contribute to the effective participation of the recipients of the norm of decision in its making process and, therefore, the democratic principle in the procedural field. Ensuring access (to the parts) to the case files and reasonable duration of the process along with the preservation of its founding principles (contradictory, legal defense and isonomy) are essential to ensure democratic access to justice within the virtual system

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This study is developed in setting in which the Federal Constitution of 1988 completed 22 years of validity, as well as in general elections (national and state) in country. From this perspective, there are multiple reflections, especially on the constitutional mechanisms of popular sovereignty consolidation, the integrity and legitimacy of elections and democracy itself. It has appeared timely, therefore, to examine the development of ensured instrument of these precepts. Thus, it is approached as an object of research to Action of Impugnation to the Elective Mandate- AIEM, under Art.14, § 10 and § 11 of the Constitution of 1988, considering its constitutional and electoral reasons. It is then aimed to review the second AIEM conceptions of scale, systematic interpretation, preservation of constitutional rights and its effectiveness. Specifically, it is analyzed the Action as to the forms of power that relate to this. then it is examined the democracy principal aspects related to the issue. Without being followed, it is the democratic situation in which it is operated. They are also examined the political rights, especially regarding restraint applied to ineligibility and the possibility of integrating the effects of an impugnatory origin. Following, it has been discussed the formation of an early panorama, consisting of constitutional principles applied to electoral constituencies and eminently procedural principles and, according to which subsidizes the operations of such Action. After that, addressing the Election Law, including its concept, its sources, the Electoral Court and its peculiarities and functions. It is also considered the elective office as to its definition, characteristics and ways of accessing and extinguishing it. Afterwards, the Action of Impugnation is studied from its historical evolution of laws, legal, concept and goals. Expanding on the theme, it s highlighted about their chances of traditional appropriateness (economic power abuse, corruption and fraud) and modern (abuse of economic power intertwined with political) business, including the suggestion of suitability in case of abuse of unique political power. It was also identified the injurious potential demand affecting these illicit to enable the Action. Subsequently, other relevant aspects were explored, such as the legitimacy ad causam, competence, secrecy, procedure, recklessness, bad faith, the purpose of the merits and manageable resources. In the end, it is demonstrated an evolution of AIEM, however, still insufficient to reach full intentions that rise it. It is proposed therefore to re-read the action from news perspectives, based on constitutional and electoral precepts, as well as wider interpretation of the appropriateness of their assumptions of suitability and effects, according to a systematic interpretation, all aimed at the preservation of constitutional rights and their own effectiveness

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The projects of the company Vale SA territorialization triggers a series of territorial determinations on local populations. This process denotes a situation of sociospatial conflicts between the affected people and the company, which occur in the material and symbolical scope. In the expansion of these conflicts is established the International Articulation of those Affected by Vale and the “Movimento de Soberania Popular Frente a Mineração” (MAM) which aims to promote communication and unification of the struggles between different social movements and populations on confrontation with the company. This project aims to examine how these conflicts are established in projects relating to mining operations in Brazil. The development starts from a mapping of the investments in the sector, identifying the major determinations territorial, the forms of organization of resistance, identifying who are the groups in conflict

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This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study still has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to effect the Fundamental Right to Public Administration proba, efficient and honest. Thus, to achieve this mister, the proposal is to expose the pesamento the classic contractualist, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. After, it will be studied the theories of Fundamental Rights in order to demonstrate the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific custody rights, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due, especially, corruption. On the other side, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, which, to join a deliberative governance program needs to be politicized, adopting full participation, dialogue, as duty citizen. Furthermore, taking as most heart, will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas, whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of the government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study also has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to actualize the Fundamental Right to a just, efficient and honest Public Administration. Thus, to achieve this necessity, the proposal is to expose the thought of the classic contractualist thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well as how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. Later on, the theories of Fundamental Rights will be studied in order to demonstrate that the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific right custody, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due to, especially, the corruption. On the other hand, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, who, to join a deliberative governance program, needs to be politicized, adopting full participation and dialogue as a citizen responsibility. Furthermore, taking as the major heart, it will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a broad deliberative and emancipatory democracy, with effective citizen participation. It will also be considered the Condorcet Constitution Project as a comparative link in the linking of the public deliberative will, and the Central Power, in the face of the Theory of “Sluice” Habermas. The proposal, based on communicative action, must allow a continuous flux and influx process of social interests towards the exercise of administrative power. The dialogical deal, brought to the center of the decisions, will allow discussions in the public scope, and may contribute to the legitimacy of government actions, inasmuch as it creates the feeling of politicization demanded by the man in a democratic state.

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Objetiva evidenciar os problemas e limitações que impedem a consolidação da iniciativa popular de lei como mecanismo de participação direta dos cidadãos no processo legislativo e, a partir daí, apresentar e avaliar as medidas e alternativas propostas por estudiosos e parlamentares para garantir maior acessibilidade e resultados práticos a procedimento. Com o intuito de oferecer maiores subsídios à persecução dos objetivos enunciados, adota uma abordagem que privilegia não apenas a simples exposição e análise do panorama atual da iniciativa popular de lei no país, mas também a evolução da participação popular ao longo de nossa história política e a comparação com as experiências de outras nações que, assim como o Brasil, admitem a iniciativa popular como uma das formas de manifestação da soberania de seus cidadãos. Descreve como se dá o processo de participação popular nos seguintes países: Suíça, Itália, Áustria, Espanha, Alemanha, Estados Unidos da América, México, Uruguai, Argentina, Paraguai, Peru, Colômbia, Venezuela, Nicarágua, Cuba, Costa Rica.

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A questão do Acre, entre 1899 e 1901, mobilizou a política externa brasileira da Primeira República. Pelo Tratado de Ayacucho, assinado em 1867, o território do Acre foi entregue à Bolívia. Apesar disso, desde o último quartel do século XIX, a área foi gradativamente colonizada por Brasileiros. Com o Boom da borracha, os bolivianos desejaram utilizar os seus direitos para explorar a região. O governo brasileiro, firmado no Tratado de 1867, consentiu. Em 1899 a legação boliviana chegou ao Acre para estabelecer a soberania da república vizinha. A população acreana, esmagadoramente brasileira, não aceitou a presença boliviana. Fez diversos levantes entre 1899 e 1902, atrapalhando os planos do governo da Bolívia. Diante disso, o governo boliviano considerou a possibilidade de uma exploração indireta, por meio do arrendamento da região. Durante parte desse período, Rui Barbosa atuou através do jornal A Imprensa (1899-1901), em favor dos direitos do Brasil sobre o Acre. Defendeu que da insistência do governo de Campos Sales em afirmar a ascendência boliviana naquela região, decorria a ameaça à soberania e a integridade territorial brasileira, em função do estabelecimento de forças imperialista na fronteira amazônica. Rui formulou, a partir da ambigüidade da redação do Tratado de Ayacucho, a tese da fronteira angular, de acordo com a qual território do Acre era incorporado ao Brasileiro. Em sua reflexão e ação, Rui Barbosa expressou uma expectativa, existente na sociedade brasileira, a respeito de como deveria se processar a política externa do país: resguardando o interesse nacional, que englobava, prioritariamente, a salvaguarda da soberania e do elemento gerador de maior identidade no nacionalismo brasileiro, o caráter monumental de seu território. À solução dada por Rio Branco á questão do Acre, em 1903, através do Tratado de Petrópolis, portanto, antecedeu um amplo debate público sobre um tema de política externa, a questão do Acre, que o Barão teve que considerar no processo de decisão política.

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Much debate has taken place recently over the potential for entertainment genres and unorthodox forms of news to provide legitimate – indeed democratized – in-roads into the public sphere. Amidst these discussions, however, little thought has been paid to the audiences for programs of this sort, and (even when viewers are considered) the research can too easily treat audiences in homogenous terms and therefore replicate the very dichotomies these television shows directly challenge. This paper is a critical reflection on an audience study into the Australian morning “newstainment” program Sunrise. After examining the show and exploring how it is ‘used’ as a news source, this paper will promote the use of ethnographic study to better conceptualize how citizens integrate and connect the increasingly fragmented and multifarious forms of postmodern political communication available in their everyday lives.

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The central cultural experience of modernity has been change, both the ‘creative destruction’ of existing structures, and the growth, often exponential, of new knowledge. During the twentieth century, the central cultural platform for the collective experience of modernising societies changed too, from page and stage to the screen – from publishing, the press and radio to cinema, television and latterly computer screens. Despite the successive dominance of new media, none has lasted long at the top. The pattern for each was to give way to a successor platform in popularity, but to continue as part of an increasingly crowded media menu. Modern media are supplemented not supplanted by their successors.

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“When cultural life is re-defined as a perpetual round of entertainments, when serious public conversation becomes a form of baby talk, when, in short, a people become an audience and their public business a vaudeville act, then a nation finds itself at risk.” (Postman) The dire tones of Postman quoted in Janet Cramer’s Media, History, Society: A Cultural History of US Media introduce one view that she canvasses, in the debate of the moment, as to where popular culture is heading in the digital age. This is canvassed, less systematically, in Thinking Popular Culture: War Terrorism and Writing by Tara Brabazon, who for example refers to concerns about a “crisis of critical language” that is bothering professionals—journalists and academics or elsewhere—and deplores the advent of the Internet, as a “flattening of expertise in digital environments”.