Panika moralna w dyskursie publicznym. Rosjanie wobec współczesnej imigracji z Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej.

Wydział Nauk Społecznych: Instytut Socjologii

Ryssän koulussa : Suomalaiset Venäjän stipendiaatit autonomian aikana 1812-1917

Finnish scholarship students in Russia during the autonomy (1812-1917) During the autonomy in Finland (1809-1917), an attempt to improve the knowledge of the Russian language was made through special language university scholarships. With these scholarships the students could go and study the Russian language and acquire cultural knowledge in Russia. Other member countries on the edges of the Russian Empire, like Poland and the Baltic provinces, did not have similar programs. The first two scholars started their journey in 1812. A system of travel allowances was introduced in 1841. Between the years 1812- 1917 a total of almost 400 students studied in Russia. The studies mainly took place in Moscow. These scholarship students were called the Master s of Moscow ". In this paper, Finnish-Russian relations are studied based on the attitude towards the Russian language and the people who studied it in Finland. Although the attitude towards them was neutral in the beginning, in 1844 there was a strong change. Students of Russian, and especially the scholars, received the stigma of being unreliable and unpatriotic, a stigma they were never able to get rid of. The study of the Russian language was voluntary in Finnish schools between 1863 and 1872. Starting from 1890, however, the study of the Russian language was enforced. In doing so, the Russians attempted to unify the Empire, while the Finns had the illusion that they had their own state. Thus, Russia saw the language as a way to unify the Empire and Finns as an attempt to make them Russians. The purpose of studying in Russia was to improve the student s practical language skills and overall knowledge of the customs and culture of the country. Besides knowing the language, knowledge of Russian culture and customs is essential in understanding Russia and Russians; therefore, the studies of literature, geography and history have been noted in this research. Without knowledge it is difficult to develop understanding. After their studies, almost all of the scholars returned to Finland and did not continue their careers in Russia. They worked mainly as teachers and civil servants, and managed to improve the Finnish people s weak knowledge of Russian and Russia through teaching, translations of literature and newspaper articles. Through these scholars, it is possible to see how the attitudes towards the language have been closely related to the political history between Finland and Russia. The language became the subject of resistance and these attitudes were transferred to its students. In 1917, the study of Russia and the Russian language ended and it was no longer possible to use the acquired knowledge of language and country in independent Finland.

Lucien Wolf and David Mowshowitch papers, [ca. 1869-1959]

Correspondence, reports, minutes, manuscripts, and clippings relating to the activities of Wolf, Mowshowitch, and the Joint Foreign Committee, as well as to the political situation of Jews in various countries and to the Paris Peace Conference. Papers of Lucien Wolf include his diary, lectures on English-German relations and English-Russian relations; bibliography of Wolf's works on Jewish themes; clippings of Wolf's articles; congratulations on his seventieth birthday; article on his last interview with Chamberlain; and correspondence with parents, 1869-1882, A. Abrahams, 1914-1925, Chief Rabbi Dr. J.H. Hertz, 1892-1923, Clara Melchior, 1913-1929, Jacob Schiff, 1910, Maxim Vinawer, 1917, Mark Wischnitzer, 1926-1928, Lord Robert Cecil, 1916-1919, Lord Rothschild, 1906, Cyrus Adler, Count J. Bernstorff, Szymon Ashkenazy, Solomon Dingol, Louis Marshall, Claude G. Montefiore, Sir Edward Sassoon, Jacob Schiff, Lord William Selborne, Nakhum Sokolow, Oscar Straus, Chaim Weizmann, the American Jewish Congress, 1916-1923, Hilfsverein der Deutschen Juden, 1913, and Jewish Historical Society of England.

O sistema internacional pós-crise de 2008 e as relações China- Estados Unidos: uma análise em três frentes

As relações sino-americanas passaram a desempenhar um papel ordenador fundamental na condução dos assuntos internacionais neste século XXI, ao ponto de alguns analistas criarem o termo G-2. A crise financeira de 2008, por representar um golpe profundo nos países desenvolvidos e nos direcionamentos de valores do estágio atual de desenvolvimento do sistema, levou a relação China-Estados Unidos a um outro patamar. Ao passo que os norte-americanos tiveram de se preocupar em resolver as turbulências causadas na economia doméstica, o país asiático passou a desempenhar um papel crucial no processo de recuperação da economia global. O presente trabalho tem o objetivo, então, de analisar de que forma a crise de 2008, também chamada de crise do subprime, impactou os ordenamentos centrais do Sistema Internacional neste período de recuperação e como as relações sino-americanas podem ser usadas para uma melhor compreensão deste fenômeno. Na busca por traçar respostas mais sólidas, a pesquisa delineia-se em três frentes principais de análise: as relações diretas entre China e Estados Unidos; as relações dos dois países com um terceiro ator, a saber, a África; e os posicionamentos adotados por ambas as partes nas instituições multilaterais. Para tal, primeiro buscou-se aliar análises qualitativas e quantitativas, baseadas em instrumentais matemáticos e também na Ciência Política, História e Economia Política Internacional, para alcançar os resultados definidos nos objetivos da pesquisa. A dissertação é dividida em cinco capítulos, onde os três primeiros tratam de introduzir o assunto estudado e as principais vertentes teóricas utilizadas ao longo do trabalho. Os últimos envolvem a aplicação prática dos conceitos interdisciplinares escolhidos como aliados do trabalho empírico e a apresentação dos resultados finais. Em linhas gerais, concluiu-se que a crise acentuou os aspectos de interdependência entre China e Estados Unidos em todas as frentes estudadas. Avaliando as relações sino-americanas e os rumos do sistema internacional pós-crise em três facetas, concluímos também que tal exercício analítico ofereceu recursos mais palpáveis no fornecimento das respostas procuradas pela dissertação.

Asia-Pacific: a new agenda for the times ahead

The rapid growth of the populous Asian economies provokes profound economic changes and a shift in the balance of power. On the economic front, Asian leaders are confronted with the need to preserve the stability that has underpinned their prosperity, maintain an environment conducive to trade and investments and encourage domestic consumption while avoiding ecological disasters. Internationally, business competition will intensify with the strong presence of Asian manufacturers in global supply chains, growing price competition from Asian firms in domestic markets and global competition for energy, food, minerals and other commodities. Geopolitical concerns stem, in part, from Asia’s global quest for critical resources, conflicting territorial and maritime disputes and increasing military expenditures which affect security dynamics. China’s assertiveness over its periphery prompts an arm’s race in the region and concerns about Sino-American relations even though U.S.-Chinese relations may be less risky than China’s relations with its neighbours. The United States remains a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, with the capacity to alter balances and affect outcomes. Globally, the United States capacity to lead is now diminished and will continue to be so for the foreseeable future. Since no rising power is capable of exercising global leadership, a return to the "old normal" where no one power in geopolitical or economic terms dominates the world is to be expected.

La cooperación militar entre China y Rusia y su incidencia en la seguridad de Asia Central durante el periodo 2001-2008

Durante los últimos diez años, la cooperación militar entre China y Rusia ha buscado proteger los intereses nacionales de ambos Estados, los cuales se encuentran estrechamente relacionados con las dinámicas en materia de seguridad de Asia Central.

Análisis de los intereses geoestratégicos de China y Estados Unidos en Corea del Sur tras el programa nuclear de Corea del Norte

La península coreana ha sido desde la Guerra Fría y a la actualidad una zona convulsionada por intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos. Ese panorama obliga un análisis sobre la configuración y los cambios que se han dado entre las potencias actuales, China y Estados Unidos, desde la existencia de un programa nuclear norcoreano que afecta a Corea del Sur y la definición de los intereses de Beijin y Washington.

Análisis del Dilema de Seguridad entre Estados Unidos y la Federación Rusa a partir del control de la carrera armamentista. Periodo: 1991 - 2010

La aparición de las armas nucleares hacia los años ’40 ha cambiado la forma en que ciertos Estados desarrollan sus relaciones bilaterales en materia de seguridad, debido a que la obtención de estas garantiza capacidad militar que no se tiene con las armas de carácter convencional. Tanto Estados Unidos como la Unión Soviética procuraron la producción de las armas nucleares a gran escala, lo cual conllevó a la consolidación de una carrera armamentista entre ambos que fue regulada por tratados bilaterales: esta situación generó un Dilema de Seguridad entre ambos Estados. Con la disolución de la Unión Soviética y el surgimiento de la Federación Rusa en el inicio de la década del ’90, el Sistema Internacional que se había configurado durante la Guerra Fría se alteró debido a que, si bien se había acabado el conflicto que existía en el periodo bipolar, aún existían las armas nucleares con las que se garantizaba la continuación del Dilema de Seguridad que había surgido en los años anteriores. Con la presente monografía pretende analizar el Dilema de Seguridad durante el periodo comprendido entre 1991 y 2010 entre Estados Unidos y la Federación Rusa.

Análisis de la Política Exterior Rusa en materia energética, comercial y militar hacia la República de Moldavia (Período 2000-2010)

Rusia sufrió grandes cambios tras la desintegración de la URSS en 1991. No obstante, con la llegada de Vladimir Putin al poder, los intereses geoestratégicos de Rusia sobre el espacio postsoviético revivieron con nuevo ímpetu debido a una mayor cantidad de recursos a disposición del Estado. La República de Moldavia es un claro ejemplo del resurgir de la política exterior rusa hacia el espacio postsoviético, siendo incluso, una región clave en la lucha de la Federación Rusa por recuperar su zona de influencia.

Análisis de la transformación de las relaciones militares entre Turquía e Israel a partir de la ruptura de la alianza bilateral generada por el ataque a la Flotilla de Gaza. Período 2008 a 2011

Amenazas como Siria, Irán y el PKK fueron relevantes al momento de forjar una alianza entre Turquía e Israel a mediados de los noventa. Con la firma de varios acuerdos en el ámbito militar se fortaleció la relación bilateral en materia de seguridad. Sin embargo, la llegada de un nuevo gobierno a Turquía en 2002 generó un cambio en materia de política exterior, especialmente con Israel. La monografía sustentada bajo los postulados de la Teoría del Balance de las Amenazas concluye que la ruptura de la alianza se dio por el cambio en la política exterior de seguridad turca, el bloqueo a Gaza por parte de Israel en 2008 y el ataque a la Flotilla de Gaza en 2010, conduciendo a una transformación en los acuerdos militares pactados para la seguridad y estabilidad de ambos países en la región de Medio Oriente.

Evolución de la oruga o constreñimiento de la mariposa: una mirada al rol económico de China en Sudán. (1999- 2008)

La presente monografía tiene como propósito analizar el rol económico de China en Sudán de 1999 al 2008. Tras su crisis en la década de 1990, se examina el efecto que el rol chino tuvo en los sectores productivos de la economía sudanesa: el textil, el agrícola, el metalúrgico y el petrolero, aun cómo la estabilidad política en el régimen de Omar Al-Bashir en el ámbito político y el conflicto en Darfur como factor social. Como un último objetivo esta investigación, basándose en el trabajo de Mohammed Ayoob, se reevalúa el estatus de Sudán como Estado Tercermundista ilustrándolo a través del uso de la analogía de la metamorfosis de una mariposa.

The Gender of Chinese Christianity: Evaluating a New Research Perspective

This paper will discuss how the gender perspective can be applied to the study of the Early Modern Jesuit China mission. I will show that the category of gender provides a promising research perspective on Sino-Western cultural exchange, for it brings to the forefront important aspects of social life in the “contact zone” of Chinese Christian communities. I will argue that through the intercultural contact initiated by the Jesuit China mission, gender roles started to shift slightly on both sides. On the one hand, the Jesuits adopted the Confucian ideal of the separation of the sexes (nannü zhi bie), building for example separate Churches for women, something unknown in Europe. On the other hand, Chinese Christians were urged to reconsider aspects of their traditional gender norms, when for instance some men left their concubines in order to become Christian. The paper will be divided in three parts. First, it will focus on the history of concepts and discuss what gender relations meant in the context of the Early Modern China mission. Then it will turn to the representation of female religiosity in Jesuit Annual Letters and show how the gender perspective can lead to a re-evaluation this source genre. Finally, it will reflect on how the gender perspective can give us fresh insights into well-known paradigms on Sino-Western relations, taking the accommodation paradigm as an example.

Chinese Intellectuals and China`s Policy toward Japan

This dissertation aims at integrating two scholarships: state-society relation studies and Chinese foreign policy analysis. I created Two-level Perception Gap Model to analyze different intellectual groups' relations with party-state by confirming Chinese intellectuals play a role in CFP making in general, China's Japan policy in particular. This model is an alternative approach, instead of conventional wisdom patron-client approach, to explain and analyze the pluralized intellectual-state relations in China. This model first analyzed the role of two intellectual groups, namely think tank scholars and popular nationalist, in China's Japan policy making, and then based on these analyses it explains the interactional patterns between these two intellectual groups and party-state. I used three case studies, which represented different types of issue, Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, and the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, to examine this model. First, I examined think tank scholar groups and the extent they influenced "core interest issue and sensitive issue (Issue 1)," Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, and their international patterns with party-state. Chapter 3 compares the responses of Chinese officials to the changes in the defense policy of Japan to the analyses from the think tank scholars. As the model assumes, results show that think tank scholars' analyses are consistent with China's policy position; nevertheless, it is difficult to confirm their analyses have influence on Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy. Based on the analysis of journal articles, most articles do not provide policy suggestions or simply provide suggestions that do not deviate from the policy. As Gu's theory of pluralist institutionalism and my hypothesis points out, most think tank scholars are establishment intellectuals so they tend to be self-disciplined. Second, this model provide a new concept "patriotic dilemma" for analyzing the challenge and constraints brought by popular nationalist discourses and public mobilization to Chinese foreign policy decision makers. Chapter 4 investigated the cases study of the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, defined as "major/minor interest issue/ sensitive issue (Issue 3)," and the discourses from the popular nationalist, mainly focusing on anti-Japanese activists. The chapter also observes their influence on nationalist public opinions and analyzes how the nationalist public opinions constrain the policy choices among decision makers. Results strongly supported the hypothesis of patriotic dilemma that, although the popular nationalist group and public opinions constrained the policy choices of Chinese decision makers in the short term, they were unable to change the fundamental policy direction. Third, chapter 5 also focuses on anti-Japanese activists and examines the model with the case of the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. The result supported that hypothesis that China's policy change was not because of the influence from popular nationalist's discourses or public opinions but because of the change of priority of this issue, from major/minor interest issue to core interest issue. These two chapters also indicate that the patron-client model is unable to describe the popular nationalist. An alternative approach, such as the concept "patriotic dilemma" is needed to describe the relations between the popular nationalist and the government.

The Boston Marathon and the Visa Negotiations between the EU and Russia: Time to get real and positive. CEPS Commentary, 8 May 2013

Against the background of the Boston Marathon bombing as a violent reminder of the lawlessness throughout much of the Northern Caucasus, Michael Emerson calls in this commentary for a fresh direction in the EU’s negotiations with Russia over visa-free travel. While finding that a ‘visa liberalisation’ regime has a very slim prospect of materialising any time soon, on the other hand, he sees realistic possibilities for fast delivery of a ‘virtual visa free regime’ of the multi-year, multi-entry visa, which would be a real and important achievement for EU-Russian relations.