741 resultados para Salinization - Control - Citizen participation - Victoria


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The 2007 Australian Federal election not only saw the election of a Labor government after 11 years of John Howard’s conservative Coalition government. It also saw new levels of political engagement through the Internet, including the rise of citizen journalism as an alternative outlet and mode of reporting on the election. This paper reports on the You Decide 2007 project, an initiative undertaken by a QUT-based research team to facilitate online news reporting on the election on a ‘hyper-local’, electorate-based model. We evaluate the You Decide initiative on the basis of: promoting greater citizen participation in Australian politics; new ways of engaging citizens and key stakeholders in policy deliberation; establishing new links between mainstream media and independent online media; and broadening the base of political participation to include a wider range of citizen and groups.

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Partiendo del escenario de democracia participativa que establece la Constitución del 91 en Colombia, esta investigación se preocupa por identificar los factores que han determinado la participación en Cali en ejercicios de control ciudadano durante el periodo 2001 - 2007. Para ello se recurre principalmente a los conceptos de Cultura Política de Almond y Verba, y Democracia Fuerte de Benjamin Barber como categorías analíticas que permiten evaluar los niveles de participación registrados durante el periodo de estudio, y así concluir que la existencia de orientaciones cognitivas, afectivas y evaluativas de carácter negativo respecto al sistema político local, los rezagos de una configuración de dominación patrimonial, y las lógicas particularistas que promueve el liberalismo a ultranza, entre otros, han provocado un bajo nivel de participación ciudadana en ejercicios de control, que a su vez se caracteriza por ser predominantemente contestatario.

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Previous to 1970, state and federal agencies held exclusive enforcement responsibilities over the violation of pollution control standards. However, recognizing that the government had neither the time nor resources to provide full enforcement, Congress created citizen suits. Citizen suits, first amended to the Clean Air Act in 1970, authorize citizens to act as private attorney generals and to sue polluters for violating the terms of their operating permits. Since that time, Congress has included citizen suits in 13 other federal statutes. The citizen suit phenomenon is sufficiently new that little is known about it. However, we do know that citizen suits have increased rapidly since the early 1980's. Between 1982 and 1986 the number of citizen suits jumped from 41 to 266. Obviously, they are becoming a widely used method of enforcing the environmental statutes. This paper will provide a detailed description, analysis and evaluation of citizen suits. It will begin with an introduction and will then move on to provide some historic and descriptive background on such issues as how citizen suit powers are delegated, what limitations are placed on the citizens, what parties are on each side of the suit, what citizens can enforce against, and the types of remedies available. The following section of the paper will provide an economic analysis of citizen suits. It will begin with a discussion of non-profit organizations, especially non-profit environmental organizations, detailing the economic factors which instigate their creation and activities. Three models will be developed to investigate the evolution and effects of citizen suits. The first model will provide an analysis of the demand for citizen suits from the point of view of a potential litigator showing how varying remedies, limitations and reimbursement procedures can effect both the level and types of activities undertaken. The second model shows how firm behavior could be expected to respond to citizen suits. Finally, a third model will look specifically at the issue of efficiency to determine whether the introduction of citizen enforcement leads to greater or lesser economic efficiency in pollution control. The database on which the analysis rests consists of 1205 cases compiled by the author. For the purposes of this project this list of citizen suit cases and their attributes were computerized and used to test a series of hypotheses derived from three original economic models. The database includes information regarding plaintiffs, defendants date notice and/or complaint was filed and statutes involved in the claim. The analysis focuses on six federal environmental statutes (Clean Water Act} Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, Comprehensive Environmental Response Compensation and Liability Act, Clean Air Act, Toxic Substances Control Act, and Safe Drinking Water Act) because the majority of citizen suits have occurred under these statutes.

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Esta investigación parte de las diferentes iniciativas que se presentan en el escenario nacional e internacional en torno a la intención por consolidar y mejorar la función de control social a la gestión pública que ejercen por mandato constitucional las veedurías ciudadanas, a partir de referentes que orienten la labor de sus integrantes, en el caso concreto del municipio de Envigado dadas sus características y la cultura de participación ciudadana que ha implementado. En ese sentido, se indaga acerca de ¿Cómo fortalecer el control social, a través del mejoramiento en la función de seguimiento a la gestión pública que desarrollan las veedurías ciudadanas en el municipio de Envigado? En este trabajo se propone un modelo para el fortalecimiento del control social a la gestión pública que ejercen las veedurías ciudadanas, como herramienta de consulta para el desarrollo de actividades de seguimiento real y efectivo a las diferentes actuaciones que enmarcan la gestión pública; desde la formulación misma de la Política de Participación Ciudadana y su nuevo marco normativo en Colombia, el análisis e identificación de otras publicaciones que buscan facilitar la labor del veedor ciudadano con guías, instructivos, entre otros; así como un análisis de los principales obstáculos que se presentan en su función, conforme algunos referentes de investigaciones al respecto.

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Much recent research into citizen journalism has focussed on its role in political debate and deliberation. Such research examines important questions about citizen participation in democratic processes – however, it perhaps places undue focus on only one area of journalistic coverage, and presents a challenge which only a small number of citizen journalism projects can realistically hope to meet. A greater opportunity for broad-based citizen involvement in journalistic activities may lie outside of politics, in the coverage of everyday community life. A leading exponent of this approach is the German-based citizen journalism Website myHeimat.de, which provides a nationwide platform for participants to contribute reports about events in their community. myHeimat takes a hyperlocal approach but also allows for content aggregation on specific topics across multiple local communities; Hannover-based newspaper publishing house Madsack has recently acquired a stake in the project. Drawing on extensive interviews with myHeimat CEO Martin Huber and Madsack newspaper editors Peter Taubald and Clemens Wlokas during October 2008, this paper analyses the myHeimat project and examines its applicability beyond rural and regional areas in Germany; it investigates the question of what role citizen journalism may play beyond the political realm.

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Although advances in technology now enable people to communicate 'anytime, anyplace', it is not clear how citizens can be motivated to actually do so. This paper evaluates the impact of three principles of psychological empowerment, namely perceived self-efficacy, sense of community and causal importance, on public transport passengers' motivation to report issues and complaints while on the move. A week-long study with 65 participants revealed that self-efficacy and causal importance increased participation in short bursts and increased perceptions of service quality over longer periods. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings for citizen participation projects and reflect on design opportunities for mobile technologies that motivate citizen participation.

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For decades, social scientists have searched for factors that shape pro-environmental behaviour. However, only a few studies have investigated the causes and consequences of participation in environmental organizations. This book fills the gap by analysing in detail the determinants of environmental participation and its consequences in different parts of the world. Benno Torgler, María A. García-Valinas and Alison Macintyre seek the answer to several questions regarding who is working towards positive outcomes for our environment, what sort of social and institutional context will assist voluntary participation, what sort of attitudes are related to positive environmental behavior, and which countries are active on the intergovernmental stage. By focusing on voluntary participation in environmental organizations, we are able to determine the level of willingness to work towards a solution for environmental problems. This allows an insight into the motivations and attitudes of individuals and nations and how these factors can affect environmental cooperation. Participation in Environmental Organizations sheds light on who is liable to participate and will help to see whose priorities and values are forwarded through voluntary activities and to what extent voluntary participation can become representative. Thus, the book provides a unique examination of citizens’ willingness to participate in environmental organizations. The book will be of interest to Economics students and researchers alike who seek a deeper understanding of the theory and practice of environmental participation.

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Urban public spaces are sutured with a range of surveillance and sensor technologies that claim to enable new forms of ‘data based citizen participation’, but also increase the tendency for ‘function-creep’, whereby vast amounts of data are gathered, stored and analysed in a broad application of urban surveillance. This kind of monitoring and capacity for surveillance connects with attempts by civic authorities to regulate, restrict, rebrand and reframe urban public spaces. A direct consequence of the increasingly security driven, policed, privatised and surveilled nature of public space is the exclusion or ‘unfavourable inclusion’ of those considered flawed and unwelcome in the ‘spectacular’ consumption spaces of many major urban centres. In the name of urban regeneration, programs of securitisation, ‘gentrification’ and ‘creative’ and ‘smart’ city initiatives refashion public space as sites of selective inclusion and exclusion. In this context of monitoring and control procedures, in particular, children and young people’s use of space in parks, neighbourhoods, shopping malls and streets is often viewed as a threat to the social order, requiring various forms of remedial action. This paper suggests that cities, places and spaces and those who seek to use them, can be resilient in working to maintain and extend democratic freedoms and processes enshrined in Marshall’s concept of citizenship, calling sensor and surveillance systems to account. Such accountability could better inform the implementation of public policy around the design, build and governance of public space and also understandings of urban citizenship in the sensor saturated urban environment.

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The future of civic engagement is characterised by both technological innovation as well as new technological user practices that are fuelled by trends towards mobile, personal devices; broadband connectivity; open data; urban interfaces; and cloud computing. These technology trends are progressing at a rapid pace, and have led global technology vendors to package and sell the “Smart City” as a centralised service delivery platform predicted to optimise and enhance cities’ key performance indicators – and generate a profitable market. The top-down deployment of these large and proprietary technology platforms have helped sectors such as energy, transport, and healthcare to increase efficiencies. However, an increasing number of scholars and commentators warn of another “IT bubble” emerging. Along with some city leaders, they argue that the top-down approach does not fit the governance dynamics and values of a liberal democracy when applied across sectors. A thorough understanding is required, of the socio-cultural nuances of how people work, live, play across different environments, and how they employ social media and mobile devices to interact with, engage in, and constitute public realms. Although the term “slacktivism” is sometimes used to denote a watered down version of civic engagement and activism that is reduced to clicking a “Like” button and signing online petitions, we believe that we are far from witnessing another Biedermeier period that saw people focus on the domestic and the non-political. There is plenty of evidence to the contrary, such as post-election violence in Kenya in 2008, the Occupy movements in New York, Hong Kong and elsewhere, the Arab Spring, Stuttgart 21, Fukushima, the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul, and the Vinegar Movement in Brazil in 2013. These examples of civic action shape the dynamics of governments, and in turn, call for new processes to be incorporated into governance structures. Participatory research into these new processes across the triad of people, place and technology is a significant and timely investment to foster productive, sustainable, and liveable human habitats. With this article, we want to reframe the current debates in academia and priorities in industry and government to allow citizens and civic actors to take their rightful centrepiece place in civic movements. This calls for new participatory approaches for co-inquiry and co-design. It is an evolving process with an explicit agenda to facilitate change, and we propose participatory action research (PAR) as an indispensable component in the journey to develop new governance infrastructures and practices for civic engagement. We do not limit our definition of civic technologies to tools specifically designed to simply enhance government and governance, such as renewing your car registration online or casting your vote electronically on election day. Rather, we are interested in civic media and technologies that foster citizen engagement in the widest sense, and particularly the participatory design of such civic technologies that strive to involve citizens in political debate and action as well as question conventional approaches to political issues. The rationale for this approach is an alternative to smart cities in a “perpetual tomorrow,” based on many weak and strong signals of civic actions revolving around technology seen today. It seeks to emphasise and direct attention to active citizenry over passive consumerism, human actors over human factors, culture over infrastructure, and prosperity over efficiency. First, we will have a look at some fundamental issues arising from applying simplistic smart city visions to the kind of a problem a city poses. We focus on the touch points between “the city” and its civic body, the citizens. In order to provide for meaningful civic engagement, the city must provide appropriate interfaces.

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Citizen participation is often valorised in the governance of areas of high scientific uncertainty at national, international and supranational levels. This chapter considers citizen or public participation in the specific area of the EU’s agenda on sustainable development as it increasingly frames technoscientific innovation and development. Specifically, the chapter focuses on just one underexplored aspect of the conditions of possibility for participation: imaginaries. These include how the EU imagines its engagement, responsibilities and identity in relation to the specific area, including the knowledges that are constructed and used in decision-making, and by implication the role of citizen or public participation.

The discussion draws on an analysis of the social and technoscientific imaginaries found in legal, regulatory and policy discourses. These construct the frame of sustainable development and build a link between it and technoscientific innovation and development. By attention to imaginaries as one aspect of the frame, the chapter highlights the centrality of, and main interactions between, sustainable development in the inscription and potential disruption of the normative and programmatic background for the operationalisation of technoscientific innovation. These insights are used to highlight how imaginaries constitute a crucial aspect of the conditions of possibility for participation: determining who has to participate in decision-making through configurations of ‘citizen’ or ‘public’, how, why, and which outcomes are to be achieved by that participation.

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Risk is the dominant frame for the European Union’s growing albeit often overlooked public health governance. The starting point for this chapter is the distortion of public health priorities by and within this frame. I argue that existing efforts to identify, underline and tackle the distortions can be strengthened by reframing governance as a matter of citizenship so as to develop citizen participation in decision making.

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The particular characteristics and affordances of technologies play a significant role in human experience by defining the realm of possibilities available to individuals and societies. Some technological configurations, such as the Internet, facilitate peer-to-peer communication and participatory behaviors. Others, like television broadcasting, tend to encourage centralization of creative processes and unidirectional communication. In other instances still, the affordances of technologies can be further constrained by social practices. That is the case, for example, of radio which, although technically allowing peer-to-peer communication, has effectively been converted into a broadcast medium through the legislation of the airwaves. How technologies acquire particular properties, meanings and uses, and who is involved in those decisions are the broader questions explored here. Although a long line of thought maintains that technologies evolve according to the logic of scientific rationality, recent studies demonstrated that technologies are, in fact, primarily shaped by social forces in specific historical contexts. In this view, adopted here, there is no one best way to design a technological artifact or system; the selection between alternative designs—which determine the affordances of each technology—is made by social actors according to their particular values, assumptions and goals. Thus, the arrangement of technical elements in any technological artifact is configured to conform to the views and interests of those involved in its development. Understanding how technologies assume particular shapes, who is involved in these decisions and how, in turn, they propitiate particular behaviors and modes of organization but not others, requires understanding the contexts in which they are developed. It is argued here that, throughout the last century, two distinct approaches to the development and dissemination of technologies have coexisted. In each of these models, based on fundamentally different ethoi, technologies are developed through different processes and by different participants—and therefore tend to assume different shapes and offer different possibilities. In the first of these approaches, the dominant model in Western societies, technologies are typically developed by firms, manufactured in large factories, and subsequently disseminated to the rest of the population for consumption. In this centralized model, the role of users is limited to selecting from the alternatives presented by professional producers. Thus, according to this approach, the technologies that are now so deeply woven into human experience, are primarily shaped by a relatively small number of producers. In recent years, however, a group of three interconnected interest groups—the makers, hackerspaces, and open source hardware communities—have increasingly challenged this dominant model by enacting an alternative approach in which technologies are both individually transformed and collectively shaped. Through a in-depth analysis of these phenomena, their practices and ethos, it is argued here that the distributed approach practiced by these communities offers a practical path towards a democratization of the technosphere by: 1) demystifying technologies, 2) providing the public with the tools and knowledge necessary to understand and shape technologies, and 3) encouraging citizen participation in the development of technologies.

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La revocatoria de mandato es una herramienta de participación política ciudadana en Colombia establecida hace ya más de veinte años. Sin embargo, y a pesar de que ha sido implementada en 146 casos, ningún gobernante ha sido revocado o ratificado por este medio en el país. Este hecho ha motivado varias investigaciones que se han centrado en los problemas operativos, normativos y las dificultades en la implementación de la herramienta. Este trabajo busca ir más allá y centrarse en los efectos políticos y sociales que afectan, de manera positiva o negativa, esta herramienta de participación política ciudadana. Siendo una herramienta que involucra directamente a los ciudadanos con la política local, las acciones que se lleven a cabo durante todo el proceso pueden afectar a la población. Esto se puede afirmar si se tiene en cuenta que la historia política colombiana ha estado permeada por el autoritarismo y el clientelismo, donde actores poderosos a nivel local, pertenecientes a oligopolios políticos, se encuentran legitimados por características históricas para adelantar acciones que afectan la seguridad, tranquilidad e integridad de la población. El análisis involucra tres procesos de revocatoria de mandato en el departamento de Boyacá durante el periodo 2008-2011: Tunja, Samacá y Somondoco; resaltando el papel que cada actor juega en el respectivo proceso de revocatoria, así como sus motivaciones para ser parte de él y las acciones que adelanten para asegurar el éxito o fracaso de esta herramienta. Para ello se utilizó una metodología cualitativa, consistente en monitoreo de medios y entrevistas semiestructuradas a los diferentes actores de los procesos, lo cual permite reconstruir los casos de estudio.

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Trabalho elaborado de acordo com o termo de referência acordado entre FGV e Secretaria de Gestão Pública, cujo objetivo é analisar e propor melhorias ao relatório semestral das Ouvidorias Públicas do Estado de São Paulo. O relatório semestral é uma compilação das informações de todas as ouvidorias de todos os órgãos públicos estaduais, contempla as reclamações e manifestações recebidas por cada um dos órgãos e é elaborado pela Secretaria de Gestão Pública (SGP). O trabalho contempla a análise do relatório e dos processos relacionados à sua elaboração. Procurou-se entender: o papel institucional das Ouvidorias Públicas como representantes do cidadão, apesar da falta de independência frente aos Poder Executivo; os tipos de análise feitos no relatório semestral, que contemplam apresentações e comparações quantitativas que não consideram as realidades de órgãos e períodos distintos; o fluxo da informação, desde a manifestação do cidadão até a confecção do relatório, com diferentes e pouco integrados canais de entrada, sistema de TI subutilizado, e alta incidência de cidadãos que utilizam a ouvidoria como fonte de informação; os ouvidores, coordenados informalmente pela SGP e com percepções diferentes de sua função. A partir da análise, foram feitas sugestões para a Secretaria de Gestão Pública melhorar relatório semestral das ouvidorias, envolvendo uma melhor forma da apresentação das informações, a padronização de formas de contato, o incentivo à participação, a orientação por meio dos sites institucionais do Governo do Estado, a melhoria dos sistemas de TI, de coordenação e de governança.