Uusmaalaisten viljelijöiden arviot uudesta ympäristötuesta

The agro-environmental subsidy scheme is the most important agricultural environmental policy instrument used in Finland. The principal aim of the agro-environmental subsidy is to reimburse farmer the costs of using environmentally sounder farming practices and the measures that aim for preserving the environment. It also serves as an economic incentive for ensuring the large enough participation. The agro-environmental subsidy scheme is to be reformed in 2007. The main question answered in thesis was that whether farmers in Uusimaa region are ready to participate in the environmental subsidy scheme on the basis of the economical reasons or not. The focus is on farmers' opinions about how difficult it is to carry out measures of new environmental subsidy and do these measures change their ways of farming. The analysis is based on an empirical study of the farmers attitudes towards the new environmental subsidy scheme. The theoretical framework of this thesis is based on principal-agent theory and on the theory of the firm. In principal-agent theory environmental subsidy is interpreted as a deal in which farmers function as agents and government as a principal. Theory of the firm provides a theoretical framework for the analysis, through which we aim to analyse how rationally behaving farmer makes decisions by economical reasons to participate in the environment subsidy scheme. The thesis points out that presumably the participation percentage will stay high during the period of the new environmental subsidy scheme.

The EU and Institutional Twinning in Morocco - An inquiry into the motives of cooperation through discourse ethics

This study examines Institutional Twinning in Morocco as a case of EU cooperation through the pragmatic, ethical and moral logics of reason in Jürgen Habermas’s discourse ethics. As a former accession tool, Twinning was introduced in 2004 for legal approximation in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy. Twinning is a unique instrument in development cooperation from a legal perspective. With its long historical and cultural ties to Europe, Morocco presents an interesting case study of this new form of cooperation. We will analyse motives behind the Twinning projects on illegal immigration, environment legislation and customs reform. As Twinning is a new policy instrument within the ENP context, there is relatively little preceding research, which, in itself, constitutes a reason to inquire into the subject. While introducing useful categories, the approaches discussing “normative power Europe” do not offer methodological tools precise enough to analyse the motives of the Twinning cooperation from a broad ethical standpoint. Helene Sjursen as well as Esther Barbé and Elisabeth Johansson-Nogués have elaborated on Jürgen Habermas’ discourse ethics in determining the extent of altruism in the ENP in general. Situating the analysis in the process-oriented framework of Critical Theory, discourse ethics provides the methodological framework for our research. The case studies reveal that the context in which they operate affects the pragmatic, ethical and moral aspirations of the actors. The utilitarian notion of profit maximization is quite pronounced both in terms of the number of Twinning projects in the economic sphere and the pragmatic logics of reason instrumental to security and trade-related issues. The historical background as well internal processes, however, contribute to defining areas of mutual interest to the actors as well as the motives Morocco and the EU sometimes described as the external projection of internal values. Through its different aspects, Twinning cooperation portrays the functioning of the pragmatic, ethical and moral logics of reason in international relations.

The EU and Institutional Twinning in Morocco - An inquiry into the motives of cooperation through discourse ethics

This study examines Institutional Twinning in Morocco as a case of EU cooperation through the pragmatic, ethical and moral logics of reason in Jürgen Habermas’s discourse ethics. As a former accession tool, Twinning was introduced in 2004 for legal approximation in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy. Twinning is a unique instrument in development cooperation from a legal perspective. With its long historical and cultural ties to Europe, Morocco presents an interesting case study of this new form of cooperation. We will analyse motives behind the Twinning projects on illegal immigration, environment legislation and customs reform. As Twinning is a new policy instrument within the ENP context, there is relatively little preceding research, which, in itself, constitutes a reason to inquire into the subject. While introducing useful categories, the approaches discussing “normative power Europe” do not offer methodological tools precise enough to analyse the motives of the Twinning cooperation from a broad ethical standpoint. Helene Sjursen as well as Esther Barbé and Elisabeth Johansson-Nogués have elaborated on Jürgen Habermas’ discourse ethics in determining the extent of altruism in the ENP in general. Situating the analysis in the process-oriented framework of Critical Theory, discourse ethics provides the methodological framework for our research. The case studies reveal that the context in which they operate affects the pragmatic, ethical and moral aspirations of the actors. The utilitarian notion of profit maximization is quite pronounced both in terms of the number of Twinning projects in the economic sphere and the pragmatic logics of reason instrumental to security and trade-related issues. The historical background as well internal processes, however, contribute to defining areas of mutual interest to the actors as well as the motives Morocco and the EU sometimes described as the external projection of internal values. Through its different aspects, Twinning cooperation portrays the functioning of the pragmatic, ethical and moral logics of reason in international relations.

Luotettavaa tietoa ja merkityksellisiä valintoja – Kuluttajien ympäristövastuullista järkeilyä ilmastonmuutoksesta ja ohjausjärjestelmien hyväksyttävyydestä

Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan kuluttajien näkemyksiä ilmastonmuutoksesta ja ilmastovaikutusten seuranta- ja palautejärjestelmän hyväksyttävyydestä kulutuksen ohjauskeinona. 15 kuluttajaa kokeili kuukauden ajan kulutuksen ilmastovaikutusten seuranta- ja palautejärjestelmän demonstraatioversiota ja he osallistuivat kokeilun pohjalta aihepiiriä käsitelleeseen verkkokeskusteluun. Analysoin verkkokeskustelun aineistoa arkisen järkeilyn näkökulmasta tutkien kuluttajien ilmastonmuutokseen ja ympäristövastuullisuuteen liittyvää arkitietoa sekä palvelun hyväksyttävyyteen liittyviä heuristiikkoja. Ilmastonmuutoksen todettiin yleisesti olevan vielä melko abstrakti ja monitulkintainen ilmiö, minkä vuoksi kuluttajilla on vaikeuksia ymmärtää omien valintojensa konkreettista merkitystä ilmastonmuutoksen kannalta. Vaikka tietoa kulutuksen ilmastovaikutuksista on saatavilla paljon, niin erityisesti yritysten tuottama tieto koettiin ristiriitaiseksi ja osin epäluotettavaksi. Kuluttajat myös kritisoivat ilmastonmuutoskeskustelun tarjoamaa kapeaa näkemystä kulutuksen ympäristövaikutuksista. Hiilidioksidipäästöihin keskittymisen sijaan ympäristövaikutuksia tulisi kuluttajien mielestä tarkastella kokonaisuutena, josta ilmastovaikutukset muodostavat vain yhden osan. Tutkimukseen osallistuneiden kuluttajien kulutustottumuksiin ilmastonmuutos vaikutti eriasteisesti. Toisille ilmastonmuutoksesta oli muodostunut keskeinen omaa kulutusta ohjaava normi, kun taas toiset kertoivat pohtivansa ilmastovaikutuksia pääasiassa suurimpien hankintojen kohdalla. Ympäristövastuullisuudessa merkitykselliseksi koettiin tasapainon löytäminen ja henkilökohtainen tunne siitä, että kokee toimivansa oikein. Ilmasto- tai ympäristökysymyksiä punnitaan valinnoissa joustavasti yhdessä muiden tekijöiden kanssa. Vaikka kuluttajilla toisaalta olisi tietoa ja halua ottaa ilmasto- ja ympäristövaikutukset huomioon valinnoissaan, toimintaympäristö rajaa keskeisesti kuluttajien mahdollisuuksia toimia ympäristövastuullisesti. Tutkimus toi esille neljä kuluttajien käyttämää heuristiikkaa heidän pohtiessaan ilmastovaikutusten seuranta- ja palautejärjestelmän hyväksyttävyyden ehtoja ja toimivuutta ohjauskeinona. Ensinnäkin palvelun tulee olla käytettävyydeltään nopea ja vaivaton sekä tarjota tietoa havainnollisessa ja helposti ymmärrettävässä muodossa. Toiseksi palvelun tarjoaman tiedon tulee olla ehdottoman luotettavaa ja kuluttajien valintojen kannalta merkityksellistä siten, että palvelu ottaa huomioon erilaiset kuluttajat ja tiedontarpeet. Kolmanneksi palvelu tulee toteuttaa kokonaisvaltaisesti ja läpinäkyvästi useampien kaupparyhmittymien ja julkisten toimijoiden yhteistyönä. Neljänneksi toteutuksessa tulee huomioda palvelun kannustavuus ja kytkeytyminen muihin ohjauskeinoihin.

Renewable Energy and Climate Policies: Studies in the Forest and Energy Sector

‪This dissertation examines the impacts of energy and climate policies on the energy and forest sectors, focusing on the case of Finland. The thesis consists of an introduction article and four separate studies. The dissertation was motivated by the climate concern and the increasing demand of renewable energy. In particular, the renewable energy consumption and greenhouse gas emission reduction targets of the European Union were driving this work. In Finland, both forest and energy sectors are in key roles in achieving these targets. In fact, the separation between forest and energy sector is diminishing as the energy sector is utilizing increasing amounts of wood in energy production and as the forest sector is becoming more and more important energy producer.‬ ‪The objective of this dissertation is to find out and measure the impacts of climate and energy policies on the forest and energy sectors. In climate policy, the focus is on emissions trading, and in energy policy the dissertation focuses on the promotion of renewable forest-based energy use. The dissertation relies on empirical numerical models that are based on microeconomic theory. Numerical partial equilibrium mixed complementarity problem models were constructed to study the markets under scrutiny. The separate studies focus on co-firing of wood biomass and fossil fuels, liquid biofuel production in the pulp and paper industry, and the impacts of climate policy on the pulp and paper sector.‬ ‪The dissertation shows that the policies promoting wood-based energy may have have unexpected negative impacts. When feed-in tariff is imposed together with emissions trading, in some plants the production of renewable electricity might decrease as the emissions price increases. The dissertation also shows that in liquid biofuel production, investment subsidy may cause high direct policy costs and other negative impacts when compared to other policy instruments. The results of the dissertation also indicate that from the climate mitigation perspective, perfect competition is the favored wood market competition structure, at least if the emissions trading system is not global.‬ ‪In conclusion, this dissertation suggests that when promoting the use of wood biomass in energy production, the favored policy instruments are subsidies that promote directly the renewable energy production (i.e. production subsidy, renewables subsidy or feed-in premium). Also, the policy instrument should be designed to be dependent on the emissions price or on the substitute price. In addition, this dissertation shows that when planning policies to promote wood-based renewable energy, the goals of the policy scheme should be clear before decisions are made on the choice of the policy instruments.‬

Nas Minas... por entre typos, jornais e tintas: sociabilidade impressa e debate político na Província das Gerais (1823-1831)

Durante a década de 1820, a província de Minas Gerais assistiu ao surgimento da imprensa periódica, em algumas de suas vilas e cidades. Dentre elas podemos destacar Ouro Preto e São João dEl-Rey, que assistiram ao nascimento dos periódicos O Universal e os Astro de Minas e O Amigo da Verdade, respectivamente. O primeiro veio à luz em 1825, e teve com principal responsável, o político e estadista Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos. Por sua vez o Astro de Minas surge dois anos depois em 1287. O político e comerciante Baptista Caetano dAlmeida esteve a frente de sua implementação e impressão, contribuindo também como redator. Em 1829 foi a vez do O Amigo da Verdade que teve como colaborador, o vigário da Matriz de Nossa Senhora do Pilar, em São João dEl-Rey, Luís José Dias Custódio. Esses periódicos foram responsáveis pela mobilização de opiniões públicas, retratando a realidade de acordo com as visões de mundo de seus redatores e responsáveis, além de funcionarem como importante agente histórico e instrumento político de grupos letrados na província de Minas Gerais. A partir da apreciação dos periódicos citados, o presente estudo tem como objetivo identificar e analisar a existência de uma rede de sociabilidade impressa entre os periódicos mineiros, além de perceber a imprensa como espaço do debate político, forjado pelas elites letradas mineiras, ao longo do Primeiro Reinado.

O estudo prévio de impacto de vizinhança e sua exigibilidade para o exercício do direito de construir quando da criação do condomínio edilício à luz da Constituição

O presente estudo objetiva sublinhar o estudo prévio de impacto de vizinhança como instrumento de política urbana apto a conformar a autonomia privada do incorporador imobiliário no exercício do direito de construir o condomínio edilício a legalidade constitucional. O que justifica o debate é a necessidade de harmonizar,numa sociedade de risco, a liberdade de construir o condomínio edilício à proteção e não degradação do meio ambiente urbano, gerenciando os riscos e planejando a utilização e fruição dos recursos ambientais, apresentando um instrumento de política urbana que alie a livre iniciativa do incorporador imobiliário e a preservação ambiental urbana como meta. Nestes termos segue o problema do presente estudo:qual é o instrumento de política urbana que pode conformar a autonomia privada do incorporador imobiliário no exercício do direito de construir o condomínio edilício à legalidade constitucional?Para responder esta indagação buscou-se: escorçar o histórico dos aspectos jurídicos e econômicos na produção do condomínio edilício; relacionar o princípio do numerus clausus e da tipicidade nos direitos reais para distinguir o condomínio edilício como tipo de direito real; identificar o espaço para fixação do conteúdo do condomínio edilício pelo incorporador imobiliário na viabilização, instituição e constituição; sublinhar a legalidade constitucional como um método hermenêutico; identificar as premissas metodológicas da legalidade constitucional; identificar os valores constitucionais que irradiam no exercício do direito de construir o condomínio edilício na cidade; distinguir a noção contemporânea de vizinhança; sublinhar a disciplina jurídica do estudo prévio de impacto de vizinhança; e identificar os conteúdos dos fatores de investigação do estudo prévio de impacto de vizinhança, relacionando-os com a construção do condomínio edilício. A pesquisa teve um enfoque quali-quantitativo no tratamento dos dados levantados em censos e relatórios de pesquisa, segundo amostras estratificadas e de acessibilidade do universo pesquisado, com a utilização do método de procedimento descritivo, tendo como delineamento as bibliografias e documentos concernentes ao tema. Os resultados revelaram que a construção do condomínio edilício pode causar impactos na vizinhança; que o estudo prévio de impacto de vizinhança é o instrumento de política urbana necessário para conformar a autonomia privada do incorporador imobiliário, no exercício do direito de construir o condomínio edilício, a legalidade constitucional; que para exigi-lo depende de regulamentação legal municipal; e que é baixa esta regulamentação dentre os Municípios brasileiros.

Creating advantage in peripheral regions: The role of publicly funded R&D centres

Regional investment in R&D, technological development and innovation is perceived as being strongly associated with productivity, growth and sustained international competitiveness. One policy instrument by which policy makers have attempted to create regional advantage has been the establishment of publicly funded research centres (PRCs). In this paper we develop a logic model for this type of regional intervention and examine the outputs and longer-term outcomes from a group of (18) publicly funded R&D centres. Our results suggest some positive regional impacts but also identify significant differences in terms of innovation, additionality and sustainability between university-based and company-based PRCs. University-based PRCs have higher levels of short-term additionality, demonstrate higher levels of organisational innovation but prove less sustainable. Company-based PRCs demonstrate more partial additionality in the short-term but ultimately prove more sustainable.

Leniency programs, antitrust enforcement and multimarket contact : three essays in industrial organization

The Layout of My Thesis This thesis contains three chapters in Industrial Organization that build on the work outlined above. The first two chapters combine leniency programs with multimarket contact and provide a thorough analysis of the potential effects of Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus. The third chapter puts the whole discussion on leniency programs into perspective by examining other enforcement tools available to an antitrust authority. The main argument in that last chapter is that a specific instrument can only be as effective as the policy in which it is embedded. It is therefore important for an antitrust authority to know how it best accompanies the introduction or modification of a policy instrument that helps deterrence. INTRODUCTION Chapter 1 examines the efféct of Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus on the incentives of firms to report cartel activities. The main question is whether the inclusion of these policies in a leniency program undermine the effectiveness of the latter by discouraging the firms to apply for amnesty. The model is static and focus on the ex post incentives of firms to desist from collusion. The results suggest that, because Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus encourage the reporting of a second cartel after a first detection, a firm, anticipating this, may be reluctant to seek leniency and to report in the first place. However, the effect may also go in the opposite direction, and Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus may encourage the simultaneous reporting of two cartels. Chapter 2 takes this idea further to the stage of cartel formation. This chapter provides a complete characterization of the potential anticompetitive and procompetitive effects of Amnesty Plus in a infinitely repeated game framework when the firms use their multimarket contact to harshen punishment. I suggest a clear-cut policy rule that prevents potential adverse effects and thereby show that, if policy makers follow this rule, a leniency program with Amnesty Plus performs better than one without. Chapter 3 characterizes the socially optimal enforcement effort of an antitrust authority and shows how this effort changes with the introduction or modification of specific policy instruments. The intuition is that the policy instrument may increase the marginal benefit of conducting investigations. If this effect is strong enough, a more rigorous detection policy becomes socially desirable.

Análisis de la Política Exterior Rusa en materia energética, comercial y militar hacia la República de Moldavia (Período 2000-2010)

Rusia sufrió grandes cambios tras la desintegración de la URSS en 1991. No obstante, con la llegada de Vladimir Putin al poder, los intereses geoestratégicos de Rusia sobre el espacio postsoviético revivieron con nuevo ímpetu debido a una mayor cantidad de recursos a disposición del Estado. La República de Moldavia es un claro ejemplo del resurgir de la política exterior rusa hacia el espacio postsoviético, siendo incluso, una región clave en la lucha de la Federación Rusa por recuperar su zona de influencia.

Las ideas en la política exterior: discusiones desde el liberalismo y el constructivismo

El paradigma liberal introduce las ideas como un factor adicional a los intereses materiales para el estudio y entendimiento de la política exterior. El constructivismo, por su parte, cataloga las ideas como la piedra angular a partir de la cual se forma la política exterior, y cuyo entendimiento es necesario para entender las decisiones que en dicha materia toman los actores del sistema internacional. El caso de los Laboratorios de Paz como instrumento principal de política exterior de la Unión Europea en Colombia, se presenta aquí para la ilustración de la discusión.

Instrumentos de financiación deldesarrollo urbano en colombia: la contribución por valorización y la participación en plusvalías. Lecciones y reflexiones

La participación en plusvalías (PPV) es el instrumento de política de una reforma de gran transcendencia en Colombia: la recuperación de las rentas del suelo y su movilización social. Durante la fase de implementación de la PPV se han venido estableciendo esquemas operativos fragmentados que propician una visión procedimental y atomizada del tributo, la cual promueve lógicas institucionales que potencialmente retardan su evolución plena como instrumento de política de suelo. El análisis de la trayectoria de varias décadas de las ciudades colombianas con la contribución por valorización (CV) sugiere que la continuidad y evolución de este instrumento y sus instituciones se derivan en gran parte del manejo “ingenioso” de esta política frente a su entorno de implementación. Por tratarse de un instrumento de recuperación parcial de plusvalías, constituye un precedente para la PPV a partir del cual es posible derivar valiosas lecciones. Este artículo presenta para discusión los factores de viabilidad y sostenibilidad identificados a través del análisis de la experiencia de implementación y del proceso general de consolidación de la CV; así como reflexiones que de allí surgieron sobre la dirección que en el mismo contexto debería dársele a la implementación de la PPV, de manera que se propicien condiciones de entorno favorables a la evolución institucional y sostenibilidad de la reforma.-----Participation in Land Value Increments (participación en plusvalías-PPV) is an essential policy instrument of the urban Reform in Colombia designed to capture and socially mobilize land rents originated by public decisions and investments. The analysis of its recent implementation process in Bogota provides evidence that current institutional arrangements are creating a general tendency amongst the institutions involved towards isolated procedural management, which potentially hinders the integrated vision required to manage the instrument at the policy level. Special Assessment (contribución por valorización-CV), an earlier form of partial value capture, has a long history in Colombia as an effective financialinstrument for urban management. Analysis of the factors that have contributed to successfully consolidate CV show that its technical evolution, continuity and political legitimacy have been strongly supported by integrated institutions and strategic management. Through comparative analysis, the experience with CV is used to draw some useful parallels and insights for a discussion about how PPV´s implementation process should be redirected towards strategic policy thinking and “smart value capture”.

Empowering IDP with SMS: a randomized controlled trial in Bogotá

We carried out a randomized controlled trial in Bogotá, the recipient of Colombia´s highest number of internally displaced people (IDP), to assess whether the use of SMS to communicate eligibility to social benefits fosters the welfare of victimized internal refugees. Only a fraction of IDP are elegible to benefits. We inform eligibility via SMS to a random half of IDP-households who are, and estimate the Local Average Treatment Effect of the text message on the knowledge of the benefits available tothe displaced population. We show that while on the average treated households know their rights better than controls, a more disaggregate analysis suggest that there is variation of awareness across benefits. The intervention was overall successful in empowering IDP and the use of SMS should be widened as a social policy instrument. However our results suggest that text messages should be complemented with other communication strategies, yet to be evaluated.

The EU's Export Refunds on Processed Foods: Legitimate in the WTO?

Export subsidies on processed foods are an important trade policy instrument for the European Union. GATT Article XVI legitimised the use of export subsidies on primary agricultural products, under certain circumstances, but forbade the use of export subsidies on non-primary products. However it was never satisfactorily resolved whether export subsidies could be paid on the primary agricultural products incorporated into processed products, such as pasta. The Uruguay Round Agreements, and particularly the Agreement on Agriculture (the URAA), apparently legitimised the EU’s practice of paying export subsidies on incorporated agricultural products, at least while the Peace Clause was in force. With the demise of the Peace Clause the question arises whether GATT Article XVI has any residual force, given that the range of primary agricultural products exempted by Article XVI from the ban on export subsidies is narrower than the list of agricultural products covered by the URAA.

When do export subsidies have a redistributional role? Reply

Our differences are three. The first arises from the belief that "... a nonzero value for the optimally chosen policy instrument implies that the instrument is efficient for redistribution" (Alston, Smith, and Vercammen, p. 543, paragraph 3). Consider the two equations: (1) o* = f(P3) and (2) = -f(3) ++r h* (a, P3) representing the solution to the problem of maximizing weighted, Marshallian surplus using, simultaneously, a per-unit border intervention, 9, and a per-unit domestic intervention, wr. In the solution, parameter ot denotes the weight applied to producer surplus; parameter p denotes the weight applied to government revenues; consumer surplus is implicitly weighted one; and the country in question is small in the sense that it is unable to affect world price by any of its domestic adjustments (see the Appendix). Details of the forms of the functions f((P) and h(ot, p) are easily derived, but what matters in the context of Alston, Smith, and Vercammen's Comment is: Redistributivep referencest hatf avorp roducers are consistent with higher values "alpha," and whereas the optimal domestic intervention, 7r*, has both "alpha and beta effects," the optimal border intervention, r*, has only a "beta effect,"-it does not have a redistributional role. Garth Holloway is reader in agricultural economics and statistics, Department of Agricultural and Food Economics, School of Agriculture, Policy, and Development, University of Reading. The author is very grateful to Xavier Irz, Bhavani Shankar, Chittur Srinivasan, Colin Thirtle, and Richard Tiffin for their comments and their wisdom; and to Mario Mazzochi, Marinos Tsigas, and Cal Turvey for their scholarship, including help in tracking down a fairly complete collection of the papers that cite Alston and Hurd. They are not responsible for any errors or omissions. Note, in equation (1), that the border intervention is positive whenever a distortion exists because 8 > 0 implies 3 - 1 + 8 > 1 and, thus, f((P) > 0 (see Appendix). Using Alston, Smith, and Vercammen's definition, the instrument is now "efficient," and therefore has a redistributive role. But now, suppose that the distortion is removed so that 3 - 1 + 8 = 1, 8 = 0, and consequently the border intervention is zero. According to Alston, Smith, and Vercammen, the instrument is now "inefficient" and has no redistributive role. The reader will note that this thought experiment has said nothing about supporting farm incomes, and so has nothing whatsoever to do with efficient redistribution. Of course, the definition is false. It follows that a domestic distortion arising from the "excess-burden argument" 3 = 1 + 8, 8 > 0 does not make an export subsidy "efficient." The export subsidy, having only a "beta effect," does not have a redistributional role. The second disagreement emerges from the comment that Holloway "... uses an idiosyncratic definition of the relevant objective function of the government (Alston, Smith, and Vercammen, p. 543, paragraph 2)." The objective function that generates equations (1) and (2) (see the Appendix) is the same as the objective function used by Gardner (1995) when he first questioned Alston, Carter, and Smith's claim that a "domestic distortion can make a border intervention efficient in transferring surplus from consumers and taxpayers to farmers." The objective function used by Gardner (1995) is the same objective function used in the contributions that precede it and thus defines the literature on the debate about borderversus- domestic intervention (Streeten; Yeh; Paarlberg 1984, 1985; Orden; Gardner 1985). The objective function in the latter literature is the same as the one implied in another literature that originates from Wallace and includes most notably Gardner (1983), but also Alston and Hurd. Amer. J. Agr. Econ. 86(2) (May 2004): 549-552 Copyright 2004 American Agricultural Economics Association This content downloaded on Tue, 15 Jan 2013 07:58:41 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 550 May 2004 Amer. J. Agr. Econ. The objective function in Holloway is this same objective function-it is, of course, Marshallian surplus.1 The third disagreement concerns scholarship. The Comment does not seem to be cognizant of several important papers, especially Bhagwati and Ramaswami, and Bhagwati, both of which precede Corden (1974, 1997); but also Lipsey and Lancaster, and Moschini and Sckokai; one important aspect of Alston and Hurd; and one extremely important result in Holloway. This oversight has some unfortunate repercussions. First, it misdirects to the wrong origins of intellectual property. Second, it misleads about the appropriateness of some welfare calculations. Third, it prevents Alston, Smith, and Vercammen from linking a finding in Holloway (pp. 242-43) with an old theorem (Lipsey and Lancaster) that settles the controversy (Alston, Carter, and Smith 1993, 1995; Gardner 1995; and, presently, Alston, Smith, and Vercammen) about the efficiency of border intervention in the presence of domestic distortions.