Tunisia in turmoil: how should the EU react? CEPS Commentary, 4 March 2013

The assassination of the opposition leader in Tunisia exposed the underlying divisions between members of the ruling classes, between those in and outside of government, between religious groupings and secularists, and between the coastal areas and the hinterland of Tunisia. Since the revolution, tackling social inclusion has become a pressing problem: men versus women, young versus old, opponents versus supporters of the old regime and political forces inside Tunisia versus those in exile. The National Constituent Assembly (NCA)’s inability to address these fault lines and approve the second draft of the constitution has hampered the transition of the country towards the next elections, while all of the above have undermined trust in the political process. Although Tunisians are primarily responsible for the political processes in their country, argue authors Hrant Kostanyan and Elitsa Garnizova, the EU should step up its efforts to deliver on its commitments in the areas of money, market and mobility.

O PSC E A NOÇÃO DE “FAMÍLIA TRADICIONAL” COMO IDENTIDADE PARTIDÁRIA E RELIGIOSA: ANÁLISE DO PROCESSO ELEITORAL DE 2014

A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.

Ecuador y la integración: una revisión a la posición oficial

El estudio que aquí se pone a consideración del lector pretende de una manera crítica y objetiva dar cuenta, en primer término, de las estructuras institucionales que operan, a nivel del estado (ejecutivo, ministerios, etc.) y los otros actores políticos (Asamblea Constituyente, Asamblea Nacional, partidos políticos), para procesar lo concerniente a la integración política regional, y en segundo término, de las orientaciones que tienen los actores políticos más relevantes de Ecuador: ejecutivo, constituyentes, partidos políticos, formadores de opinión ciudadana, respecto de las estructuras, mecanismos y procesos de la integración política en la región sudamericana y en la Comunidad Andina. Todo ello ilustrado con datos de la práctica reciente del estado en materia de relaciones internacionales de integración.

O direito fundamental contra a autoincriminação: a análise a partir de uma teoria do Processo Penal Constitucional

The right against self-incrimination is a fundamental right that works in the criminal prosecution, and therefore deserves a study supported by the general theory of criminal procedure. The right has a vague origin, and despite the various historical accounts only arises when there is a criminal procedure structured that aims to limit the State´s duty-power to punish. The only system of criminal procedure experienced that reconciles with seal self-incrimination is the accusatory model. The inquisitorial model is based on the construction of a truth and obtaining the confession at any cost, and is therefore incompatible with the right in study. The consecration of the right arises with the importance that fundamental rights have come to occupy in the Democratic Constitutional States. In the Brazilian experience before 1988 was only possible to recognize that self-incrimination represented a procedural burden for accused persons. Despite thorough debate in the Constituent Assembly, the right remains consecrated in a textual formula that´s closer to the implementation made by the Supreme Court of the United States, known as "Miranda warnings", than the text of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that established originally the right against self-incrimination with a constitutional status. However, the imprecise text does not prevent the consecration of the principle as a fundamental right in Brazilian law. The right against self-incrimination is a right that should be observed in the Criminal Procedure and relates to several of his canons, such as the the presumption of not guilty, the accusatory model, the distribution of the burden of proof, and especially the right of defense. Because it a fundamental right, the prohibition of self-incrimination deserves a proper study to her constitutional nature. For the definition of protected persons is important to build a material concept of accused, which is different of the formal concept over who is denounced on the prosecution. In the objective area of protection, there are two objects of protection of the norm: the instinct of self-preservation of the subject and the ability to self-determination. Configuring essentially a evidence rule in criminal procedure, the analysis of the case should be based on standards set previously to indicate respect for the right. These standard include the right to information of the accused, the right to counsel and respect the voluntary participation. The study of violations cases, concentrated on the element of voluntariness, starting from the definition of what is or is not a coercion violative of self-determination. The right faces new challenges that deserve attention, especially the fight against terrorism and organized crime that force the development of tools, resources and technologies about proves, methods increasingly invasive and hidden, and allow the use of information not only for criminal prosecution, but also for the establishment of an intelligence strategy in the development of national and public security

A constituinte de 1933: a participação da Liga Eleitoral Católica na composição da Assembléia Constituinte na região de Ribeirão Preto

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Universalização do acesso à saúde e regulação dos planos privados de assistência à saúde: a atuação regulatória da ANS como instrumento de harmonia contratual e viabilização do papel suplementar da iniciativa privada na efetivação do direito social à saúde

While essential to human nature, health and life have been protected since ancient times by various areas of knowledge, particularly by the Law, given its dynamics within the regulation of social interactions. In Brazil, health has been granted major importance by the Federal Constitution of 1988, which, disrupting the dictatorial authoritarianism, inaugurating a Social State and focusing on the values of freedom and human dignity, raises health to the condition of a social right, marked predominantly by an obligational bias directed, primarily, to the State, through the enforcement of public policies. Although, given the limitation of the State action to the reserve for contingencies, it turns clear that an universalizing access to public health is impossible, seen that the high cost of medical provisions hinders the State to meet all the health needs of the rightholders. As a result of the inefficiency of the State, the effort of the Constituent Assembly of 1988 in creating a hybrid health system becomes nuclear, which, marked by the possibility of exploration of healthcare by the private initiative, assigns to the private enterprise a key role in supplementing the public health system, especially through the offer of health insurance plans. At this point, however, it becomes clear that health provisions rendered by the private agents are not unlimited, which involves discussions about services and procedures that should be excluded from the contractual coverage, for purposes of sectoral balance, situation which draws the indispensability of deliberations between Fundamental Rights on one hand, related to the protection of health and life, and contractual principles on the other hand, connected to the primacy of private autonomy. At this point, the importance of the regulation undertaken by the ANS, Brazilian National Health Agency, appears primordial, which, by means of its seized broad functions, considerable autonomy and technical discretion, has conditions to implement an effective control towards the harmonization of the regulatory triangle, the stability and development of the supplementary health system and, consequently, towards the universalization of the right to health, within constitutional contours. According to this, the present essay, resorting to a broad legislative, doctrinal and jurisprudential study, concludes that economic regulation over the private healthcare sector, when legitimately undertaken, provides progress and stability to the intervening segment and, besides, turns healthcare universalization feasible, in a way that it can not be replaced efficiently by any other State function.

Por dentro da ordem : os comunistas na Assembleia Constituinte de 1946

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.

Liberdade religiosa na Constituinte de 1823 : atores e debates

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.

La protección social de las familias monoparentales en la ciudad de Bogotá 1991 -2015: una realidad más allá de la ley

Con el paso y las transformaciones sociales, políticas y legales que implica una constituyente, en este caso la del 91, que daba nacimiento a la constitución del mismo año, se originó además una transición hacia un Estado social de derecho, pluriétnico y laico, el cual planteaba un discurso de diversidad e inclusión de la diferencia en diferentes aspectos de la vida social. Sin embargo, en el caso de la familia, esta constitución no representó cambios respecto al discurso estructura y funciones en la sociedad, pues perpetuaba el discurso familista, de una única forma legítima de familia: la nuclear patriarcal, implicando una falta de reconocimiento de la diversidad familiar en Colombia y provocando a su vez una afectación en la atención y protección social de las familias no reconocidas en Colombia. Tal es el caso de las familias monoparentales, cuya estructura no se corresponde a este discurso ideal de familia y gracias a su falta de reconocimiento tanto legal como social, la atención y protección social que reciben por parte del Estado, a través de las instituciones públicas de protección familiar, es parcializada a las jefaturas monoparentales femeninas, al igual de estigmatizadas. Pese a esto, desde 2013, ante la actual coyuntura de reivindicaciones sociales que buscan el reconocimiento de la diversidad de la familia en el país, han surgido mecanismos legales por parte de la corte constitucional, así como nuevas políticas de familia tanto a nivel nacional, como local, que están haciendo sus primeros acercamientos a lo que es la diversidad familiar y a cómo incluir y proteger a las familias. A lo largo del contacto con las instituciones públicas de protección familiar, donde se mostraron nuevas alternativas y avances que aunque representativos, aun no son suficientes, persistiendo la invisibilización tanto social como legal y una protección social parcializada de las familias monoparentales.

Le interpretazioni della costituzione economica: discipline costituzionali dei rapporti fra poteri pubblici, concorrenza e disuguaglianze

La tesi affronta la questione controversa di cosa si intenda per costituzione economica e di quali possano essere le sue interpretazioni. Il concetto è stato elaborato nel contesto del dibattito dottrinario, contemporaneo e successivo, all’Assemblea Costituente della Repubblica di Weimar. Questo dibattito ha influenzato, sotto molteplici profili, la stesura della Costituzione italiana, nonché le successive interpretazioni della costituzione economica che sono state prospettate dalla dottrina e dalla giurisprudenza. Nel corso dei decenni, sono state proposte diverse interpretazioni dell’idea di costituzione economica, ognuna delle quali particolarmente caratterizzata dal punto di vista ideologico, in grado di aprire una diversa prospettiva sull’interazione fra poteri pubblici, mercato e disuguaglianze. A partire dagli anni Ottanta, si è registrato un progressivo indebolimento dei vincoli posti dalla costituzione economica alle dinamiche dell’economia e alle forze incontrollate dei mercati. L’emergenza pandemica ha, tuttavia, determinato un cambiamento di paradigma, con l’inizio di un nuovo protagonismo dei poteri pubblici nel contesto europeo. Occorre chiedersi quali siano attualmente le linee essenziali dell’idea di costituzione economica, nel contesto europeo e nazionale, quale interpretazione possa essere sposata e quali ricadute concrete possa comportare, in termini di politiche dei poteri pubblici in ambito economico.

A hispanical dimension of the luso-american revolution (1820-1823)

The Independence of Brazil was proclaimed in September 1822 after two years during which constituent deputies elected on both sides of the Atlantic and gathered in Lisbon endeavoured to achieve unification with the former Portuguese metropoli. Due to the failure of these attempts a Constituent Assembly settled in independent Brazil in July 1823. Those two parlamentary experiences - the first to take place in the Portuguese dominions - were strongly influenced by the decisions adopted in Cadiz (1810-1814), and in Madrid (1820-1823), and by the independentist processes developed at the time in Spanish America. This work aims at observing that influence on the decisions adopted in Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro vis-a-vis the autonomical reivindications of several Brazilian provinces.

Judicial Review of Academic Decisions

This thesis entitled “Judicial review of academic decisions.Education in India is being increasingly controlled and guided by the courts.This study makes an attempt to assess the involvement of the court in regulating education and its role or interference in the conventional concepts of ‘academic freedom’ and ‘university autonomy.The study mostly concentrates on the jurisdiction under Article 226 of the Constitution and its invocation in academic matters with particular reference to the decisions of the Kerala High Court.The concept of judicial review in the Constituent Assembly, initial approach of the Supreme Court of India towards the doctrine, gradual empowerment of Indian judiciary in this area and the resultant judicial activism.The study proceeds through the analysis of ‘academic freedom’ and ‘university autonomy’ in the 4"‘ chapter. This chapter attempts to probe academic freedom and university autonomy in India,England and United States and autonomy of Indian universities before and after independence.Basic principles and the jurisdictional parameters of judicial review in the area of academic decisions, as pronounced by the Apex Court, can be convincingly and consistently followed by the High Courts, which is possible only if special Academic Benches are constituted.

Protection of property and criminal law - A study with special reference to intellectual property

Theoretically speaking, property is extension of the personality of the individual. It serves the purpose of satisfying the self of the individual in the society. Various theories have been attempted to explain its origin and development. However, it is the socialist theory of property which finds acceptance in many societies today. A proper definition of the concept of property has notbeen given in the statutes governing protection of property or in the Indian Constitution. While deciding cases under the Indian Penal Code, the courts have however, been interpreting the term 'property' in a manner facilitating its accommodation within the contours of the socialist theory of property, though there was no attempt for any formal theorization. An examination of the decisions under the Penal Code provisions and Constituent Assembly Debates has reinforced the above view that our courts as well as legislature have adopted the socialist concept of property. Because of the importance of the theory of property in the general scheme of this study, it was thought appropriate toinclude a chapter on the theory of property as reflected in our constitution.

Transformación de la democracia en Venezuela: una lectura crítica de la constitución del 99

El presente artículo busca contribuir a una comprensión de la actual crisis venezolana desde una perspectiva novedosa. Aquí se afirma que en lugar de resolver la crisis del sistema político venezolano, algunas de las provisiones contenifas en la Constitución de 1999 han contribuido a ahondarla. El texto pretende aportar al debate sobre la democracia en Venezuela desde un ángulo distinto al de aquellos que, desde esquinas opuestas, apuntan al presidente Chávez como causa última de los desarrollos recientes en la hermana república. La actual crisis venezolana no puede atribuirse, de manera única y exclusiva, a las acciones u omisiones de su presidente. El argumento central de este artículo es que, más allá de la controvertida personalidad del mandatario, es el andamiaje institucional diseñado por la Asamblea Constituyente de 1999, ante todo el presidencialismo acentuado, el que ha favorecido la desinstitucionalización, la polarización y la aparente sinsalida que caracterizan la actual situación en Venezuela.-----This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the crisis in Venezuela from an original perspective. It argues that rather than solving the problems of the Venezuelan political system, some of the provisions contained in the 1999 Constitution have served instead to making them worse, sometimes expectedly, but also in unexpected and unintentional ways. The article contributes to the debate on the current travails of democracy in Venezuela from a different angle, avoiding an exclusive focus on President Chavez as the ultimate cause of the recent developments in that country. The current crisis in Venezuela cannot be attributed, exclusively, to the actions or omissions of its President. The central argument in this article is that beyond Chavez’ controversial personality, it is the institutional arrangement designed by the Constituent Assembly of 1999, especially its accentuated presidentialism, what has contributed to the deinstitutionalization and polarization that characterize the current impasse of Venezuelan politics.

Análisis de la influencia del conflicto armado de la República Federal Democrática de Nepal en su relación con China e India. Periodo 1996 - 2012

El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la influencia del conflicto armado nepalí sobre las relaciones de Nepal con India y China. Se analiza y se explica como un conflicto armado interno puede influir desde sus causas, desarrollo y desenlace en las relaciones regionales y bilaterales de un país con sus vecinos. El presente texto pretende probar que la guerra civil de Nepal influyo positivamente en sus relaciones con India y China, planteando al país nepalí como un escenario en disputa entre estas dos potencias emergentes. Mediante el Realismo Estructural de Keneth Watlz se evaluaran las lógicas y los patrones de cambio que puedan modificar el sistema conformado por Nepal, China e India, para posteriormente examinar los cambios reales o parciales que sufrieron las relaciones de estos países al termino del conflicto armado.