Gendered struggles over land: shifting inheritance practices among the Serer in rural Senegal

Although women's land rights are often affirmed unequivocally in constitutions and international human rights conventions in many African countries, customary practices usually prevail on the ground and often deny women's land inheritance. Yet land inheritance often goes unnoticed in wider policy and development initiatives to promote women's equal access to land. This paper draws on feminist ethnographic research among the Serer ethnic group in two contrasting rural communities in Senegal. Through analysis of land governance, power relations and 'technologies of the self', this article shows how land inheritance rights are contingent on the specific effects of intersectionality in particular places. The contradictions of legal pluralism, greater adherence to Islam and decentralisation led to greater application of patrilineal inheritance practices. Gender, religion and ethnicity intersected with individuals' marital position, status, generation and socio-ecological change to constrain land inheritance rights for women, particularly daughters, and widows who had been in polygamous unions and who remarried. Although some women were aware that they were legally entitled to inherit a share of the land, they tended not to 'demand their rights'. In participatory workshops, micro-scale shifts in women's and men's positionings reveal a recognition of the gender discriminatory nature of customary and Islamic law and a desire to 'change with the times'. While the effects of 'reverse' discourses are ambiguous and potentially reinforce prevailing patriarchal power regimes, 'counter' discourses, which emerged in participatory spaces, may challenge customary practices and move closer to a rights-based approach to gender equality and women's land inheritance.

On the road through the Bolivian Amazon: a multi-level land governance analysis of deforestation

Previous studies have shown that collective property rights offer higher flexibility than individual property and improve sustainable community-based forest management. Our case study, carried out in the Beni department of Bolivia, does not contradict this assertion, but shows that collective rights have been granted in areas where ecological contexts and market facilities were less favourable to intensive land use. Previous experiences suggest investigating political processes in order to understand the criteria according to which access rights were distributed. Based on remote sensing and on a multi-level land governance framework, our research confirms that land placed under collective rights, compared to individual property, is less affected by deforestation among Andean settlements. However, analysis of the historical process of land distribution in the area shows that the distribution of property rights is the result of a political process based on economic, spatial, and environmental strategies that are defined by multiple stakeholders. Collective titles were established in the more remote areas and distributed to communities with lower productive potentialities. Land rights are thus a secondary factor of forest cover change which results from diverse political compromises based on population distribution, accessibility, environmental perceptions, and expected production or extraction incomes.

White claimants and the moral community of South African land restitution

South African land restitution, by way of which the post-apartheid state compensates victims of racial land dispossession, has been intimately linked to former homelands: prototypical rural claims are those of communities that lost their rights in land when being forcibly relocated to reserves and they now aspire to return to their former lands and homes from their despised ‘homelands’. However, white farmers, who were also dispossessed (although usually compensated) by the apartheid state in the latter’s endeavour to consolidate existing homelands, have lodged restitution claims as well. While the Land Claims Court has principally admitted such restitution claims and ruled upon the merits of individual cases, state bureaucrats, legal activists, as well as other members of the public have categorically questioned and challenged such claims to land rights by whites. Focussing on white land claimaints effected by the establishment of former KwaNdebele, this paper investigates the contested field of moral entitlements emerging from divergent discourses about the true victims and beneficiaries of apartheid. It pays particular attention to land claims pertaining to the western frontier of KwaNdebele – the wider Rust de Winter area, which used to be white farmland expropriated in the mid-1980s for consolidation (that never occurred) and currently vegetates as largely neglected no-man’s-(state-)land under multiple land claims. Being the point of reference for state officials, former white farmers, Ndebele traditionalists, local residents, and other citizens, this homeland frontier is hence analysed as a fateful zone of contestation, in which the terms of a new South African moral community are negotiated.

Customary land tenure, inheritance rules, and smallholder farmers in Malawi

Based on information derived from six villages in various parts of rural Malawi, this paper examines the interrelationship between smallholder strategies to obtain land on the one hand, and customary land tenure and inheritance rules on the other. The paper revealed that although the majority of land transactions followed customary land tenure systems and inheritance rules, in a good number of cases land transactions deviated from the basic rules. One factor behind such deviation was the unique personal relationships that were developed between original landholders and heirs. Another factor was the seemingly increasing cases of returning wives in patrilineal villages. Still another factor was the intensifying land scarcity that encouraged villagers to adopt strategies to obtain land from any source by any means. On the other hand, there were also some cases in which the same land-scarcity problem induced villagers to countercheck the practice of flexible land transfer to prevent their lineage land from being alienated to non-kin members. These facts suggest that, in a land scarce situation, an individual strategy to obtain land rights from any possible sources by deviating from customary rules may occasionally be in conflict with a lineage strategy to countercheck such tendency.

Conflict and land tenure in Rwanda

The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the historical relation between conflict and land tenure in Rwanda, a country that experienced a harsh civil war and genocide in the mid-1990s. The victory of the Tutsi-led rebel, Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) at that time triggered a massive return of refugees and a drastic change in land tenure policy. These were refugees who had fled the country at around the time of independence, in 1962, due to the political turmoil and persecution (the "social revolution") and who shared the background of the core RPF members. The social revolution had dismantled the existent Tutsi-led political order, compelling many Tutsi families to seek refuge outside their homeland. Under the post-independence rule of a Hutu-led government, the Tutsi refugees were not allowed to return and the lands they left behind were often arbitrarily distributed by local authorities among Hutu peasants. After victory in the mid-1990s civil war, the newly established RPF-led government ordered the current inhabitants of the lands to divide the properties in order to allocate portions to the Tutsi returnees. Different patterns of land holding and land division will be explained in the paper from data gathered through the authors' fieldworks in the southern and eastern parts of Rwanda. Although overt resistance to land division has not been observed to date, the land rights of the Tutsi returnees must be considered unstable because their legitimacy depends primarily on the strength and political stability of the RPF-led government. If the authority of RPF were to weaken, the land rights will be jeopardized. Throughout Rwandan history, in which political exclusion has often led to serious conflict, macro-level politics have repeatedly influenced land holding. Promotion of an inclusive democracy, therefore, is indispensable to escape the vicious circle between political instability and land rights.

Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions? : Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?

A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

Introduction: Resistance, Recovery and Revitalisation

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander perspectives on contemporary cultural issues are presented in this collection of critical essays by indigenous Australians. From museums and anthropology to land rights and feminism, a range of topics are covered that touch on both indigenous and mainstream Australian history. Discussions of identity politics, the concept of Aboriginality, and aesthetic representations of indigenous people are rich with insight about the evolution of indigenous culture, with its shift from marginalization to cultural prominence in modern scholarship.

Challenging the assumptions of positivism : an analysis of the concept of society in Sampi on behalf of the Bardi and Jawi people v Western Australia [2010] and Bodney v Bennell [2008]

The requirement to prove a society united by a body of law and customs to establish native title rights has been identified as a major hurdle to achieving native title recognition. The recent appeal decision of the Federal Court in Sampi on behalf of the Bardi and Jawi People v Western Australia [2010] opens the potential for a new judicial interpretation of society based on the internal view of native title claimants. The decision draws on defining features of legal positivism to inform the court’s findings as to the existence of a single Bardi Jawi society of ‘one people’ living under ‘one law’. The case of Bodney v Bennell [2008] is analysed through comparitive study of how the application of the received positivist framework may limit native title recognition. This paper argues that the framing of Indigenous law by reference to Western legal norms is problematic due to the assumptions of legal positivism and that an internal view based on Indigenous worldviews, which see law as intrinsically linked to the spiritual and ancestral connection to country, is more appropriate to determine proof in native title claims.

The Attack on Political Correctness: Islamophobia and the Erosion of Multiculturalism In Australia Under the Howard Regime

This article reports on civil society in Australia between 1996 and 2007 related to former Prime Minister John Howard. The article discusses Howard's neo-conservative ideology and Liberal-National coalition, noting his views on political correctness. Howard's administration is also discussed in terms of immigration, multiculturalism, indigenous land rights, othering, and Islamaphobia. Information on the effect of Islamaphobia on Australian perceptions and the treatment of Muslims is also provided

Editorial of "International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies Volume 2, Number 1, 2009"

Over the past two decades neo liberalism has shaped global economic activity. The international reach of the current economic crisis propelled by the subprime mortgage meltdown in the United States has affected Indigenous communities in different ways to those whose investments were depleted by the Wall Street activities of an unregulated corporate and banking sector. Throughout this roller coaster economic ride the low socio-economic position of Indigenous peoples continued in Canada, the United States of America, New Zealand, Hawaii and Australia. The logic, or illogic of capital, failed to extend the boom of the economic upturn to Indigenous peoples, but is poised to extend the repercussions of the current downturn deep into Indigenous lives. The consistency of the Indigenous socio-economic position across these countries, even where treaties exist, indicates that the phenomenon is based on a shared Indigenous reality. In this special edition, the commonality in the way in which Indigenous people are engaged in and positioned by market forces and regulation by their respective nation states is proposed as one of the foundation plates of that Indigenous positioning...

Impact of agricultural market liberalization on food security in developing countries : a comparative study of Kenya and Zambia

This research investigates the impacts of agricultural market liberalization on food security in developing countries and it evaluates the supply perspective of food security. This research theme is applied on the agricultural sector in Kenya and in Zambia by studying the role policies played in the maize sub-sector. An evaluation of selected policies introduced at the beginning of the 1980s is made, as well as an assessment of whether those policies influenced maize output. A theoretical model of agricultural production is then formulated to reflect cereal production in a developing country setting. This study begins with a review of the general framework and the aims of the structural adjustment programs and proceeds to their application in the maize sector in Kenya and Zambia. A literature review of the supply and demand synthesis of food security is presented with examples from various developing countries. Contrary to previous studies on food security, this study assesses two countries with divergent economic orientations. Agricultural sector response to economic and institutional policies in different settings is also evaluated. Finally, a dynamic time series econometric model is applied to assess the effects of policy on maize output. The empirical findings suggest a weak policy influence on maize output, but the precipitation and acreage variables stand out as core determinants of maize output. The policy dimension of acreage and how markets influence it is not discussed at length in this study. Due to weak land rights and tenure structures in these countries, the direct impact of policy change on land markets cannot be precisely measured. Recurring government intervention during the structural policy implementation period impeded efficient functioning of input and output markets, particularly in Zambia. Input and output prices of maize and fertilizer responded more strongly in Kenya than in Zambia, where the state often ceded to public pressure by revoking pertinent policy measures. These policy interpretations are based on the response of policy variables which are more responsive in Kenya than in Zambia. According the obtained regression results, agricultural markets in general, and the maize sub-sector in particular, responded more positively to implemented policies in Kenya, than in Zambia, which supported a more socialist economic system. It is observed in these results that in order for policies to be effective, sector and regional dimensions need to be considered. The regional and sector dimensions were not taken into account in the formulation and implementation of structural adjustment policies in the 1980s. It can be noted that countries with vibrant economic structures and institutions fared better than those which had a firm, socially founded system.

Une urbanisation de corps et d'esprit : sécurité, civilisation et rendement dans une favela de Rio de Janeiro

Ce mémoire interroge l’histoire, l’articulation pratique et les effets de ce que l’on appelle actuellement au Brésil «l’urbanisation intégratrice», un type d’intervention étatique dans les favelas (bidonvilles) de Rio de Janeiro. Il s’agit d’une énième tentative de régler le «problème de la favela», consistant en l’urbanisation de son territoire (insertion d’infrastructure publique, consolidation du cadre bâti) et la légalisation de son statut et de ses pratiques (octroi de droits de propriété foncière et insertion de règlementation publique). Officiellement, c’est une manière de mettre fin à l’exclusion dont les populations faveladas sont victimes depuis l’apparition des favelas à Rio. L’analyse est faite à partir de l’étude du PAC-Favelas, un programme du gouvernement fédéral lancé en 2008, et son application dans la favela Rocinha. Il est proposé de considérer l’urbanisation intégratrice en tant que dispositif sécuritaire ou biopolitique, c’est-à-dire en tant qu’appareil de gouvernement de la population locale. À travers le projet, on planifie de formaliser les conduites, d’accroître la circulation des ressources, de transformer les perceptions des résidents, de contenir les excès et les risques associés à la favela et de tendre vers la prise en charge entièrement planifiée – en un mot, d’assurer le passage vers l’intervention permanente. Concrètement, cela revient pour l’État à procéder à une sélection, par des moyens légitimés ou indirects (le plan, la loi, le marché), des individus et des pratiques désormais admissibles sur le territoire. L’espace se raréfie, le contrôle augmente et les prix montent : ne peut demeurer que celui qui a déjà atteint un certain niveau de stabilité, reléguant les plus précaires à devoir progressivement quitter le territoire. Urbaniser la Rocinha, c’est un peu forcer son embourgeoisement en la rendant enfin sécurisée, civilisée et rentable.

El campesinado de la Amazonia colombiana : construcción territorial, colonización forzada y resistencias

Dans cette thèse nous démontrons que la paysannerie colombienne s'est constituée telle quelle, à partir de: 1) la construction et de la mise en œuvre des pratiques économiques et agro-productives compatibles avec l'environnement; 2) des habitus et des coutumes qu’elle a inventé et a récré à partir de l'interaction quotidienne avec sa famille et sa communauté et 3) de la lutte politique qu'elle a entrepris tant pour exiger à l'État sa reconnaissance sociale, territoriale et juridique, comme pour arrêter l'avance territoriale des entrepreneurs agraires. Par conséquent, la paysannerie ne peut pas être conçue comme une catégorie conceptuelle construite, a priori , définie dehors de l’histoire, comme un groupe social homogène, et avec caractéristiques égales à niveau global. La paysannerie colombienne, dans sa lutte politique pour la défense du territoire, a affronté à un entrepreneur agraire qui, orienté par une logique unidirectionnelle, élitiste et exclusive de « progrès » et du « développement », a nié à la paysannerie ses droits territoriaux, économiques, sociaux et culturels. De plus, en faisant un usage patrimonial de l’État, il l`a poursuivi, stigmatisé et expulsé de la communauté politique. La paysannerie a affronté un État et un entrepreneur agraire que, depuis l'État d’Exception et de la déclaration de la paysannerie comme “obstacle du développement” et “ennemi de la nation”, ils ont revendiqué le droit, inhérent des souverainetés classiques, de définir qui peut vivre et qui doit mourir. La dynamique historique et successive d'expropriation territoriale de la paysannerie et la mise en œuvre de ce qui est dénommé, dans cette thèse, nécro-politique agraire, ont été cachées dans le concept de “colonisation spontanée” et dans un discours qui présente au paysan comme « héros», «entrepreneur» et «constructeur de patrie», quand il a été obligé par raisons d'ordre économique, juridique et militaire, à entreprendre de nouveaux processus de colonisation forcée. La réponse de la paysannerie à cette dynamique a inclus des résistances de caractère intrasystémique et contre-systémique. Elle n'a jamais décliné à sa lutte par le droit à la terre – qui fait partie de son territoire et considère comme inaliénable - et à son droit d'avoir des droits. En étudiant le cas de la paysannerie de l'Amazonie colombienne, dans cette recherche, nous démontrons que la paysannerie a eu une grande capacité d'affronter les adversités économiques et politiques, et de s’inventer et de se refaire eux-mêmes dans nouveaux espaces. La paysannerie est un sujet social qui a refusé de façon entêtée et permanente, avec ses attitudes et ses actions, à obéir et à être domestiquée par les paramètres de la modernité. Elle s'est refusée à modifier ses dispositions internes et ses manières de voir le monde, son habitus et s’est reconstituée chaque jour dans une modernité qui menace sa subjectivité et son autonomie. La paysannerie formule des projets agro-écologiques, socioéconomiques et d'insertion politique dans un modèle du développement agraire qui insiste de le nier comme sujet avec des droits.

Circuitos, perturbaciones y transformaciones de la modernidad/colonialidad : análisis discursivo en contextos chilenos y canadienses

La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables.

La reintegración social y económica de los grupos armados ilegales en Colombia: reflexiones a partir de la trayectoria de nueve excombatientes

Esta investigación toma como marco general la Política de Reintegración Social y económica de personas y grupos alzados en armas en Colombia, en donde tras el estudio de las trayectorias en el conflicto de un grupo de 9 excombatientes, se aborda la relación existente entre los beneficios otorgados por dicha política y aquello que facilitó y motivó el ingreso, la permanencia y desmovilización de los grupos armados. Se presenta una caracterización e interpretación conceptual de las denominadas trayectorias en el conflicto, son establecidas relaciones y diferencias entre las organizaciones ilegales FARC y las AUC, se revisan las percepciones que frente a los beneficios del programa de reintegración tienen excombatientes y profesionales de la entidad que lidera dicho proceso y a partir de ello, es argumentada la incidencia que sobre el éxito de esta política tienen las características individuales y particulares, tanto de los excombatientes como de las organizaciones armadas ilegales.