948 resultados para Hegemonía Neoliberal


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Amongst the most vulnerable workers in a neoliberal world are retail employees. In many countries these low paid workers comprise around 10 per cent of the workforce. The retail labour market is highly feminised, in some countries quite youthful and often part time or in various forms of precarious employment. The industry and its unions have however rarely been studied by academics. A three-country research team (United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand) is investigating retail union strategy across these Anglophone countries in order to determine how, and how effectively, unions are contributing to workplace justice for retail workers.

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Over the last three decades neoliberalism has transitioned from occupying the margins of economic policy debate to becoming the dominant approach by governments and their economic advisers, a process that has accelerated with the collapse of the former Stalinist states in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. This thesis adopts a Marxist framework for understanding this process, beginning as it did in the realm of relatively abstract philosophical and ideological debate to the permeation of neoliberal values throughout all capitalist institutions, including the state bureaucracy. This necessarily means a focus on the dialectical relationship between the rise of neoliberalism and the shifting balance of class forces that accompanied the success of the neoliberal project in transforming the dominant economic policy paradigm. The extent to which neoliberal reforms impacted on workers and public sector institutions, along with the success or otherwise of traditional working class institutions in defending the material interests of workers will therefore be a recurring theme throughout this body of work. The evidence borne from this research and analysis suggests a major shift in the dialectic of class struggle in favour of the power of capital over labour during the period covered, with the neoliberal age being one of defeat for a labour movement that largely failed to adopt successful strategies for defending itself.

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We finished penning this special issue and sending it to press on martin Luther King Jr. Day. We take pause, honoring Martin Luther King's memory and we are dedicating this project to his profound vision as a public intellectual and world activist for whom two of his breakthrough ideas are particularly relevant to this collection. The guest editors, along with the contributors, are reinforcing his messages for the current and future eras that "leadership is the action of ideas to make change, through the agency of individuals" (p. 74) and that "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere" (p. 75) (see Temes 1996).

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University–community engagement (UCE) represents a hybrid discourse and a set of practices within contemporary higher education. As a modality of research and teaching, ‘engagement’ denotes the process of universities forming partnerships with external communities for the promised generation of mutually beneficial and socially responsive knowledge, leading to enhanced economic, social and cultural developments. A critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2003. Analysing Discourse: Textual analysis for social research. London: Routledge) of the Australian Universities Community Engagement Alliance’s (AUCEA) ‘Position Paper’(2008 Universities and community engagement (Position paper 2008–2010)), as reported in this article, suggests that its uneasy synthesis of neoliberal, social inclusion and civic engagement discourses into a hybrid UCE discourse semantically privileges neoliberal forms of engagement. Perhaps, as a result, the AUCEA seems to have missed an opportunity to influence the Australian ‘widening participation’ debate on securing access and opportunity for marginalised students at universities and building social and cultural capital within their communities of origin.

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This is an editorial introduction for a virtual edition focused on neoliberalism in educational sectors for the journal, "Critical Studies in Education". The introduction outlines the nature and progress of neoliberalism, then reviews the selected articles from the journal's archives.

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Neoliberal fiscal austerity policies decrease public expenditure through cuts to central and local government budgets, welfare services and benefits and privatisation of public resources resulting in job losses. This article interrogates the empirical, theoretical, methodological and ideological relationships between neoliberalism, unemployment and the discipline of psychology, arguing that neoliberalism constitutes rather than causes unemployment...

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This paper investigates increases in the identification of special educational needs in the New South Wales (NSW) government school system over the last two decades, which are then discussed with senior public servants working within the NSW Department of Education and Communities (DEC). Participant narratives indicate deep structural barriers to inclusion that are perpetuated by the discourses and practices of regular and special education. Despite policies that speak of ‘working together’ for ‘every student’ and ‘every school’, students who experience difficulty in schools and with learning often remain peripheral to the main game, even though their number is said to be increasing. There is, however, some positive progress being made. Findings suggest that key policy figures within the NSW DEC are keenly aware of the barriers and have adopted alternative strategies to drive inclusion via a new discourse of ‘participation’ which is underpinned by the linking of student assessment and the resourcing of schools.

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At any given time in the field of early childhood, there are discourses at play, producing images of children, and these ways of seeing children might be competing, colliding and/or complementing each other. It is fairly widely accepted that in many countries there are versions of dominant discourses that shape and are shaped by current practices in the field of early childhood. These include (1) romantic notions of children running free and connecting with nature and (2) the ‘Bart Simpson’ version of the naughty, cute or savage child, untamed and in need of civilising. These are far from being the only two discursive constructions of children present in current policies and practices. If early childhood professionals are to be active in shaping and implementing policies that affect their work and workforce, it is important that they are aware of the forces at play. In this article, we point to another powerful discourse at play in the Australian context of early childhood education, the image of children as economic units: investments in the future. We show how a ‘moment of arising’ in contemporary policy contexts, dominated by neoliberal principles of reform and competition, has charged early childhood educators in Australia with the duties of a ‘broker’, ensuring that young children are worth the investment. In this article, we begin with (1) a key policy document in early childhood education in Australia and examine the discursive affordances which shape the document. Next, (2) we pinpoint the shifts in how the work of child care is perceived by interrogating this key policy document through a methodology of discursive analysis. We then turn attention (3) to the work of this policy document along with other discourses which directly affect images of children and the shaping role these have on the work of educators. We conclude with (4) a consideration of how the work of early childhood professionals has come to be shaped by this economic discourse, and how they are being required to both work within the policy imperatives and likely to resist this new demand of them.

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This thesis explores how planning policy and practice is responding to the challenge of climate change, particularly in contexts where neoliberal rationales and practices frame decision making. It documents patterns of devolving government responsibilities and experiences of market based mechanisms before reporting on institutional and professional responses to these conditions. The research centred on a qualitative case study and involved thematic content analysis of policy documents and informant interviews. The contribution of the research and thesis is to establish the outlook for climate change adaptation under neoliberal conditions, and to introduce strategies for planners operating within these conditions.

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El propósito de este trabajo es analizar la evolución de la desigualdad de ingresos dentro de los países durante los últimos cien años y especialmente durante la globalización, así como demostrar que el aumento que ha sufrido durante las últimas décadas está íntimamente relacionado con la aplicación de políticas neoliberales en la mayoría de los países del mundo

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Esta dissertação parte da compreensão dos sistemas punitivos em meio às estruturas sociais, demonstrando que o uso da coerção pública é um dos pilares fundamentais dos Estados modernos. Sustenta a necessidade de se desvendar os discursos ideológicos que legitimam o poder de criminalização, a fim de politizar o contexto das punições e alcançar a sua função latente. Concentra-se nas características específicas do Estado brasileiro instalado a partir da década de 1990, seguindo a trilha do Leviatã dos EUA neoliberal instaurado desde a década de 1980. Constata a correlação entre os sistemas punitivos brasileiro e norte-americano, com seus extensos campos de controle e semelhantes pensamentos criminológicos. Por fim, encontra a real funcionalidade das penas no Neoliberalismo, conformando um método de promover e manter as políticas econômicas e sociais típicas de sua conjuntura, manejando a insegurança social decorrente do desemprego estrutural, precarização do trabalho, aprofundamento da miséria e desigualdade.

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Ao longo do século XX, o Direito do Trabalho esteve associado a um arranjo político e social cujos sentidos estavam vinculados, entre outros aspectos, à civilização das relações de classe e à reprodução do capitalismo com democracia, no âmbito dos Estados nacionais. O propósito desta pesquisa é investigar como ocorreu o processo de deslocamento e reinterpretação desses sentidos (equivalente à codificação da razão do mais forte), no contexto da forte hegemonia política da coalizão de centro-direita que governou o país entre 1995 e 2002. Nesse período, o Poder Executivo Federal, as principais organizações patronais, setores importantes da mídia impressa e a Força Sindical estiveram empenhados na promoção de profunda alteração dos traços centrais do modelo brasileiro de relações de trabalho, no qual a lei é mais importante na definição dos direitos substantivos do trabalho do que os contratos coletivos. Para justificar politicamente essas alterações, o Poder Executivo e seus apoiadores apontaram a responsabilidade do modelo legislado pelos elevados custos do emprego formal, a perda de competitividade da indústria, o aumento da informalidade e do desemprego durante o governo FHC. Por meio da leitura das justificativas dos projetos encaminhados ao Congresso Nacional pelo Poder Executivo, das manifestações de suas principais lideranças e dos apoiadores na mídia e no meio sindical, a pesquisa busca interpretar o sentido político dessa leitura, apresentada como se fosse solução técnica e modernizante para uma legislação que estaria ultrapassada. Consideramos que a reforma trabalhista tinha claros propósitos políticos pois, além de repassar aos trabalhadores os custos do ajuste econômico nos anos 90, permitiu justificar na cena pública a retração do papel do Estado, bem como fortalecer o apoio de setores importantes do patronato a esse projeto político.

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Um novo governo neoliberal se consolidou no Chile no ano 2010, logo após de vários anos de transição ao governo ditatorial representado pela figura do Pinochet, quem em 1973 se ergueu no poder através de um violento golpe militar. Cabe, portanto, analisar à luz desse fato, o que teria ocasionado o continuísmo desse velho modelo de exclusão e autoritarismo reencarnado no governo do empresário-político Sebastián Piñera. Faz-se necessário, então, analisar aspectos e estratégias de Políticas Públicas com particular foco no direito à educação de qualidade como uma forma de criar uma sociedade mais democrática e igualitária. Em razão da privatização da educação superior no Chile no ano 1981, se desprende a necessidade de desvelar neste estudo o conflito que desde uma concepção positivista, aliada à ideologia neoliberal dominante na América latina, pretende ser uma redução desses confrontos e contradições a meras relações dualistas onde haveria ricos e pobres, vencedores e perdedores etc. valendo-se de mecanismos como culpabilização como justificativa, bem como o modo de repassar a responsabilidade para o próprio sujeito, sob o argumento de não querer ou de ser incapaz de alcançar as opções oferecidas pelo modelo livre de mercado. Com uma educação pobremente subvencionada pelo Estado, reproduzindo as distâncias de classe, cenário onde surgem os novos movimentos estudantis no Chile, sob a forma de novas identidades e caráter contra-hegemônico