981 resultados para Elections -- Corrupt practices -- Philippines


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In recent times considerable research attention has been directed to understanding dark networks, especially criminal and terrorist networks. Dark networks are those in which member motivations are self rather than public interested, achievements come at the cost of other individuals, groups or societies and, in addition, their activities are both ‘covert and illegal’ (Raab & Milward, 2003: 415). This ‘darkness’ has implications for the way in which these networks are structured, the strategies adopted and their recruitment methods. Such entities exhibit distinctive operating characteristics including most notably the tension between creating an efficient network structure while retaining the ability to hide from public view while avoiding catastrophic collapse should one member cooperate with authorities (Bouchard 2007). While theoretical emphasis has been on criminal and terrorist networks, recent work has demonstrated that corrupt police networks exhibit some distinctive characteristics. In particular, these entities operate within the shadows of a host organisation - the Police Force and distort the functioning of the ‘Thin Blue Line’ as the interface between the law abiding citizenry and the criminal society. Drawing on data derived from the Queensland Fitzgerald Commission of Enquiry into Police Misconduct and related documents, this paper examines the motivations, structural properties and operational practices of corrupt police networks and compares and contrasts these with other dark networks with ‘bright’ public service networks. The paper confirms the structural differences between dark corrupt police networks and bright networks and suggests. However, structural embeddedness alone is found to be an insufficient theoretical explanation for member involvement in networks and that a set of elements combine to impact decision-making. Although offering important insights into network participation, the paper’s findings are especially pertinent in identifying additional points of intervention for police corruption networks.

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In this study, we investigate the relationship between tree species diversity and production in 18 mixed-species plantations established under the Rainforestation Farming system in Leyte province, the Philippines. The aim was to quantify productivity in the mixed-species plantations in comparison to the monocultures, and identify key drivers of productivity including environmental conditions, stand structural characteristics and surrogate measures of biodiversity, i.e. species richness, Shannon’s diversity index and functional groups. We found that monocultures had a much higher productivity than mixtures of the same and other species. In the mixtures, biodiversity and productivity did not have a simple relationship. Instead the proportion of exotic and native species, and the proportion of fast-growing species had a marginally significant positive effect on stand productivity, but no significant relationship was found with species richness or Shannon’s diversity. Instead stand structural characteristics such as density and age were the strongest drivers of increased productivity. Production levels within the mixed-species plantations varied significantly between sites. Overall, we found that the productivity of mixed species plantations was driven more by the characteristics of species present and stand structural characteristics then by simply the number and abundance of species, which suggests management practices are key for balancing multiple objectives to meet sustainable development needs.

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The words of the late Don Chipp, the founder of the Australian Democrats, have a perennial relevance to politics. When Chipp talked about ‘keeping the bastards honest’, it related to a minor political party playing a role of keeping the major political parties true to their word (Warhurst 1997). Yet it is also a democratic role that citizens play on an ongoing basis, particularly through the mechanism of elections. At the ballot box, governments that are widely perceived to have acted with a lack of integrity are roundly punished. This chapter explores public opinion on issues of integrity, corruption, influence and trust in politics and politicians in Australia. The evidence paints a differentiated picture of a public which sees little sign of overtly corrupt political practices but on the other hand does not feel terribly influential and is not always confident of fair treatment from public officials...

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This paper reports on an adaptation of Callon and Law’s (1995) hybrid collectif derived from research conducted on the usage of mobile phones and internet technologies among the iTadian indigenous people of the Cordillera region, northern Philippines. Results brings to light an indigenous digital collectif—an emergent effect from the translation of both human and non-human heterogeneous actors as well as pre-existent networks, such as: traditional knowledge and practices, kinship relations, the traditional exchange of goods, modern academic requisites, and advocacies for indigenous rights. This is evinced by the iTadian’s enrolment of internet and mobile phone technologies. Examples include: treating these technologies as an efficient communicative tool, an indicator of well-being, and a portable extension of affective human relationships. Alternatively, counter-enrolment strategies are also at play, which include: establishing rules of acceptable use on SMS texting and internet access based on traditional notions of discretion, privacy, and the customary treatment of the dead. Within the boundaries of this digital collectif reveal imbrications of pre-existing networks like traditional customs, the kinship system across geophysical boundaries, the traditional exchange of mail and other goods, and the advocacy of indigenous rights. These imbrications show that the iTadian digital collectif fluently configures itself to a variety of networked ontologies without losing its character.

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This chapter examines patterns in social media activity around Australian elections, focusing primarily on the 2013 federal election and supplemented by extended research into social media and Australian politics between 2007 and 2015. The coverage of Australian elections on social media is analysed from three perspectives: the evolution of the use of online platforms during elections; politician and party social media strategies during the 2013 election, focusing on Twitter; and citizen engagement with elections as demonstrated through election day tweeting practices. The specific context of Australian politics, where voting is compulsory, and the popularity of social media platforms like Twitter makes this case notably different from other Western democracies. It also demonstrates the extended mediation of politics through social media, for politicians and citizens alike.

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This study investigates how offshore information technology (IT) service providers (vendors) coordinate work with their clients (employers) in order to succeed in the global IT offshore outsourcing industry. We reviewed literature on coordination studies, interviewed offshore service providers in the Philippines, and used thematic analysis to analyse coordination practices from the point of view of these individual vendors in a newly industrialized country. We used Olson and Olson's framework on 'collaboration at a distance' as a lens to structure the results. The study provides an understanding of vendors' individual attitudes towards the coordination of distributed work and draws attention to how differences in power affect the work situation of vendors, and by implication all stakeholders. We offer this insight as a way to enhance existing CSCW frameworks, by imbuing them with the perspective of non-equal relationships. The study found that vendors were generally able to produce outputs that satisfy their clients, however these results were only achieved because individuals were willing to take risks and make sacrifices in their personal lives. The relationship was further characterised by a complex interplay between the client's control of the overall work arrangements and the vendors' ability to establish a level of autonomy in their work practices and their flexible use of coordination tools.

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Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

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Aquaculture in the Philippines is a long-standing activity but has witnessed relatively recent, rapid, technical change with the introduction of hatchery technology and commercial feed-mills changing the production possibilities for a fishpond operator. We are confronted with a diversity of aquaculture practices in the coastal areas of the Philippines, with new technologies being incorporated into more traditional systems. As a first step to understanding the sector, we therefore present a typology of farming systems with the motivation of generating domains (farm “types”) over which we can compare performance on a number of indicators. Our typology, restricted to brackish-water pond systems, is constructed using multivariate methods (principal components analysis, cluster analysis). Eight variables are used relating to the management of the farm across all the major factors of production. A stratified net sample of 136 observations provides the data for the analysis, from a farm-level survey carried out between January and June 2003 in the two main brackish-water production regions in the Philippines. We define five farm types from this analysis. In later work we will show how the use of this typology can be used for comparative study of economic, social and ecological performance at the farm-level. [PDF contains 42 pages]

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This paper discusses the status, direction and management issues in the marine protected areas (MPAs) of the Bohol (Mindanao) Sea, Philippines. The MPAs in the study area have increased through the years. Many of them were established and managed by the local government units (LGUs) in collaboration with national government agencies (NGAs), academic institutions, people’s and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Several management issues and problems were cited by the MPA managers such as insuffi cient funds and facilities, lack of support from NGAs/NGOs and lack of education among the people. Nevertheless, lessons for sustainability can be learned from the experience of some wellmanaged MPAs in the Bohol Sea. These include strong support from the political leadership, community participation and networking among the concerned sectors. Although the best practices are being followed in a number of MPAs in the Bohol Sea, success is still fragmented. The MPAs are currently managed independently although there are ongoing initiatives to network their efforts. However, it can be observed that, as a management tool, MPAs are gaining popularity and support, not only among the fisherfolk but also among local communities and LGUs in the Bohol Sea area.

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Philippine coastal communities can become capable fishery resource managers and that their management practices can become largely self-sustaining if the project approach focuses on assisting fishermen to learn how to help themselves. Community organization is an essential part of the process and should not be viewed as an end product in itself. There are also no quick fixes, and projects require a complex array of activities if large numbers of coastal residents are to be assisted. In some of these projects, the control of illegal fishing combined with limiting of commercial fishing to offshore areas and good coastal habitat management resulted in a doubling of daily fish catch and income for small-scale fishermen. However, even with the best of management, the total fishery harvest is limited and further increases in individual fishing income can only come from reducing total fishing effort. This will require a system of control on access to the resource to limit the number and kind of fishing gears and to divide the resource equitably. Assisting coastal communities to devise and implement realistic equitable access controls is the major challenge facing coastal resource co-management.

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Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles.

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This paper examines biogas innovation system and processes in two farming communities in Davao del Sur, Philippines. Innovation histories were traced through workshops, semi-structured interviews, observations and document analysis. The paper shows that there were diverse innovation actors both from public and private sectors. Restrictive attitudes and practices resulted in weak and limited interactions among actors. Multi-actor interaction was weak, signifying a lack of innovation actors that focus on creating, developing and strengthening linkages, networks and partnerships. The lack of support in the socio-organisational institutions that constitute the enabling environment within which innovation actors operate may lead to systemic failure.

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Context. Rattus tanezumi (the Asian house rat) is the principal rodent pest of rice and coconut crops in the Philippines. Little is known about the population and breeding ecology of R. tanezumi in complex agroecosystems; thus, current methods of rodent control may be inappropriate or poorly implemented. Aims. To investigate the habitat use, population dynamics and breeding biology of R. tanezumi in complex lowland agroecosystems of the Sierra Madre Biodiversity Corridor, Luzon, and to develop ecologically based rodent management (EBRM) strategies that will target specific habitats at specific times to improve cost-efficiency and minimise non-target risks. Methods. An 18-month trapping study was conducted in rice monoculture, rice adjacent to coconut, coconut groves, coconut-based agroforest and forest habitats. Trapped animals were measured, marked and assessed for breeding condition. Key results. Five species of rodent were captured across all habitats with R. tanezumi the major pest species in both the rice and coconut crops. The stage of the rice crop was a major factor influencing the habitat use and breeding biology of R. tanezumi. In rice fields, R. tanezumi abundance was highest during the tillering to ripening stages of the rice crop and lowest during the seedling stage, whereas in coconut groves abundance was highest from the seedling to tillering stage of nearby rice crops. Peaks in breeding activity occurred from the booting stage of the rice crop until just after harvest, but >10% of females were in breeding condition at each month of the year. Conclusions. In contrast with the practices applied by rice farmers in the study region, the most effective time for lethal management based on the breeding ecology of R. tanezumi is likely to be during the early stages of the rice crop, before the booting stage. Farmers generally apply control actions as individuals. We recommend coordinated community action. Continuous breeding throughout the year may necessitate two community campaigns per rice cropping season. To limit population growth, the most effective time to reduce nesting habitat is from the booting stage until harvest. Implications. By adopting EBRM strategies, we expect a reduction in costs associated with rodent control, as well as improved yield and reduced risk to non-target species.

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Stolen elections are triggering events that overcome barriers to revolutionary action against electoral authoritarian regimes. They mobilize ordinary citizens, strengthen the opposition, and divide the regime. As neo-institutionalist theories of revolution suggest, the relative openness of electoral authoritarianism inhibits mass protest. But when elections are stolen, regimes undergo “closure,” increasing the probability of protest. The failure of other potential revolutionary precipitants underlines that stolen elections are not merely replaceable final straws. Stolen elections have not only been crucial for the emergence of revolutionary situations, they have shaped outcomes as well. Linking popular mobilization to fraudulent elections has become part of the repertoire of contention of democratic revolutionaries.