Michel Foucault's 'the birth of biopolitics' and contemporary neo-liberalism debates

Neo-liberalism has become one of the boom concepts of our time. From its original reference point as a descriptor of the economics of the ‘Chicago School’ or authors such as Friedrich von Hayek, neo-liberalism has become an all-purpose concept, explanatory device and basis for social critique. This presentation evaluates Michel Foucault’s 1978–79 lectures, published as The Birth of Biopolitics, to consider how he used the term neo-liberalism, and how this equates with its current uses in critical social and cultural theory. It will be argued that Foucault did not understand neo-liberalism as a dominant ideology in these lectures, but rather as marking a point of inflection in the historical evolution of liberal political philosophies of government. It will also be argued that his interpretation of neo-liberalism was more nuanced and more comparative than more recent contributions. The article points towards an attempt to theorize comparative historical models of liberal capitalism.

New Curriculum History

"Rereading the historical record indicates that it is no longer so easy to argue that history is simply prior to its forms. Since the mid-1990s a new wave of research has formed around wider debates in the humanities and social sciences, such as decentering the subject, new analytics of power, reconsideration of one-dimensional time and three-dimensional space, attention to beyond-archival sources, alterity, Otherness, the invisible, and more. In addition, broader and contradictory impulses around the question of the nation - transnational, post-national, proto-national, and neo-national movements – have unearthed a new series of problematics and focused scholarly attention on traveling discourses, national imaginaries, and less formal processes of socialization, bonding, and subjectification. New Curriculum History challenges prior occlusions in the field, building upon and departing from previous waves of scholarship, extending the focus beyond the insularity of public schooling, the traditional framework of the self-contained nation-state, and the psychology of the schooled individual. Drawing on global studies, historical sociology, postcolonial studies, critical race theory, visual culture theory, disability studies, psychoanalytics, Cambridge school structuralisms, poststructuralisms, and infra- and transnational approaches the volume holds together not despite but because of differences and incommensurabilities in rereading historical records. Audience: Scholars and students in curriculum studies, history, education, philosophy, and cultural studies will be interested in these chapters for their methodological range, their innovations and their deterritorializations."--publisher website

Small State Cultures of Consensus : State Traditions and Consensus-Seeking in the Neo-Corporatist and Neutrality Policies in Post-1945 Austria and Finland

Austria and Finland are persistently referred to as the “success stories” of post-1945 European history. Notwithstanding their different points of departure, in the course of the Cold War both countries portrayed themselves as small and neutral border-states in the world dictated by superpower politics. By the 1970s, both countries frequently ranked at the top end in various international classifications regarding economic development and well-being in society. This trend continues today. The study takes under scrutiny the concept of consensus which figures centrally in the two national narratives of post-1945 success. Given that the two domestic contexts as such only share few direct links with one another and are more obviously different than similar in terms of their geographical location, historical experiences and politico-cultural traditions, the analogies and variations in the anatomies of the post-1945 “cultures of consensus” provide an interesting topic for a historical comparative and cross-national examination. The main research question concerns the identification and analysis of the conceptual and procedural convergence points of the concepts of the state and consensus. The thesis is divided into six main chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter presents the theoretical framework in more detail by focusing on the key concepts of the study – the state and consensus. Chapter two also introduces the comparative historical and cross-national research angles. Chapter three grounds the key concepts of the state and consensus in the historical contexts of Austria and Finland by discussing the state, the nation and democracy in a longer term comparative perspective. The fourth and fifth chapter present case studies on the two policy fields, the “pillars”, upon which the post-1945 Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus are argued to have rested. Chapter four deals with neo-corporatist features in the economic policy making and chapter five discusses the building up of domestic consensus regarding the key concepts of neutrality policies in the 1950s and 1960s. The study concludes that it was not consensus as such but the strikingly intense preoccupation with the theme of domestic consensus that cross-cut, in a curiously analogous manner, the policy-making processes studied. The main challenge for the post-1945 architects of Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus was to find strategies and concepts for consensus-building which would be compatible with the principles of democracy. Discussed at the level of procedures, the most important finding of the study concerns the triangular mechanism of coordination, consultation and cooperation that set into motion and facilitated a new type of search for consensus in both post-war societies. In this triangle, the agency of the state was central, though in varying ways. The new conceptions concerning a small state’s position in the Cold War world also prompted cross-nationally perceivable willingness to reconsider inherited concepts and procedures of the state and the nation. At the same time, the ways of understanding the role of the state and its relation to society remained profoundly different in Austria and Finland and this basic difference was in many ways reflected in the concepts and procedures deployed in the search for consensus and management of domestic conflicts. For more detailed information, please consult the author.

Sobre metamorfoses e transformações: uma perspectiva sociológico-histórica a respeito do liberalismo constitucional atenuado latino-americano

Esta é uma tese sociológico-histórica sobre o constitucionalismo liberal na América Latina. A hipótese principal deste trabalho seria de que o liberalismo colocado em prática nas constituições latino-americanas durante o século XIX foi sofrendo algumas transformações que levaram à atenuação de sua proposta original. A matriz inicial extremamente focada na afirmação abstrata da individualidade natural e autocentrada das pessoas sujeitos de direito presente nas constituições promulgadas no século XIX passou por processos de redefinição e re-substancialização no decorrer do século XX e princípio do XXI. É o que chamamos de transformação da noção de pessoa. Nesse processo de atenuação transformadora, podemos, também, observar que o Estado não possui a mesma raison detre que possuía no século XIX. De maneira descontínua, no século XX e começo do XXI processos que demonstram a demanda por maior legitimidade das estruturas do Estado podem ser igualmente observados. Os dois principais marcos que nos permitiriam falar do processo de atenuação do liberalismo são: a incorporação dos direitos trabalhistas na primeira metade do século XX e os processos recentes de reconhecimento dos direitos das populações originárias e/ou afrodescendentes. Ao contrário do que algumas análises indicam, atestamos que essas reformas, por não representarem um rompimento definitivo com processos anteriores não têm colocado em cheque a concepção moderna do liberalismo constitucional. Modernidade essa que, como sustentamos na tese, tem a América Latina como um de seus principais protagonistas, não sendo correto admitir que a região é um agente histórico passivo e que seja colocada como periferia de um sistema externalizado. Por meio da análise qualitativa das constituições proclamadas em cinco países latino-americanos Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, México e Panamá foi possível colocar em uma perspectiva histórica como o liberalismo tem se atenuado, como a transformação da noção de pessoa tem acontecido e como o Estado, de maneira descontínua, tem sido transformado para se tornar mais legítimo

Les formes de l'illégitimité intellectuelle: genre et sciences sociales françaises entre 1890 et 1940

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales

Conflicto regional, estado central y sociedad periférica en Bolivia y Perú : un análisis histórico comparado.

Cette thèse porte sur les conflits entre centres et périphéries à l’intérieur des pays. Ces dernières années, de nombreux États ont vu l'émergence de régions ou territoires qui défient leurs «centres» politiques. Ces disputes peuvent atteindre divers degrés d'affrontement, en allant des simples divisions électorales à la sécession d'une périphérie rebelle. Pourquoi certaines régions défient-elles ouvertement leur centre, tandis que d'autres ne le font pas? Dans quelles conditions les différences entre le centre et les périphéries sont-elles maîtrisées et circonscrites, et quelles sont celles qui les exacerbent? La thèse cherche à répondre à ces questions en analysant les cas de la Bolivie et du Pérou. En Bolivie, pendant les années 2000, le conflit régional a donné lieu à un clivage entre centre et périphérie; au Pérou, malgré les similitudes avec la Bolivie, un clivage similaire ne s’est pas déployé. Pourquoi cette différence? La thèse répond à la question par une analyse historique comparée. Elle suggère que les conflits entre le centre et les périphéries doivent s’analyser à partir de la combinaison de deux dimensions. La première est l’absence ou la présence d’élites régionales qui, à partir d'organisations et de mises en discours qu'elles rendent légitimes, définissent et représentent les revendications de la région et négocient avec l'État central. La deuxième dimension renvoie aux conditions structurelles de la région, en particulier l'importance des ressources naturelles et la taille de sa population. La thèse développe une analyse historique de la façon dont les deux dimensions ont évolué en Bolivie et au Pérou au cours de la seconde moitié du XX siècle. Cette analyse permet d’expliquer la divergence entre les résultats dans chacun des cas, et de suggérer des réflexions plus générales sur les relations entre les centres et les périphéries.

Alliance Politics in Hybrid Regimes : Political Stability and Instability since World War II

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.

Caracterización del comportamiento emprendedor para los estudiantes de administración de la universidad del rosario proyecto de investigación

El emprendimiento como campo de estudio ha cobrado una creciente relevancia en las agendas académicas y gubernamentales del último quinquenio por su capacidad para empujar el desarrollo económico y los procesos de innovación en los países. Un ejemplo de ello es Colombia, donde el nivel de impacto ha sido tan elevado que se han formalizado desde marcos regulatorios como la ley 1014 del 2006 para el fomento a la cultura empresarial, hasta instituciones de todo tipo para el fomento al emprendimiento empresarial. No obstante, los esfuerzos por estructurar espacios para estimular el emprendimiento deben trascender más allá del simple asistencialismo, para centrarse en la definición de planes estratégicos que permitan la formación de emprendedores de una manera articula y congruente con objetivos y políticas claramente identificadas. Por tal razón, desde el centro de emprendimiento de la Universidad de Rosario se impulsó el desarrollo de un estudio que permitiese la caracterización del perfil emprendedor de los estudiantes, a fin de identificar sus fortalezas y debilidades. Este estudio toma como base la metodología de características del comportamiento emprendedor o CCE para estudiar los alumnos de pregrado de la Facultad de Administración en cada uno de sus tres programas. Al final con estos resultados el Centro Emprendimiento podrá formular cada uno de sus planes, programas y proyectos, así como también políticas asociadas al desarrollo de las cualidades necesarias para formar mejores emprendedores (Pulgarín, S. 2011).

Dime cómo me percibes y te diré quién soy: Estados Unidos y su idea de la política exterior China en la década de 1950

La década de 1950 fue determinante en el establecimiento y póstumo desarrollo del sistema de política exterior de la República Popular China. Al respecto, es de vital importancia realizar un análisis exhaustivo sobre esta primera etapa en donde actores externos a la nación tuvieron un papel determinante. Se busca, entonces, analizar la incidencia que tuvo el discurso de Estados Unidos en la política exterior China a través de un profundo análisis cualitativo que tendrá como base elementos propios de la historiografía. Mediante aproximaciones constructivistas, se pretende demostrar que las creencias pre-existentes de ambos actores (así como la intersubjetividad entre los mismos), determinó la identidad construida a través de la percepción mutua. Lo anterior, impulsó las relaciones predominantemente agresivas entre Estados Unidos y la China Maoísta de principios de la Guerra Fría.

El bloque de constitucionalidad en el Ecuador. Derechos Humanos más allá de la Constitución (Tema Central)

Aunque en el Derecho comparado el bloque de constitucionalidad se ha venido desarrollando desde hace más de tres décadas, en nuestro país su tratamiento es de gran novedad, su importancia teórica y práctica es inmensa, más aún con la expedición de una nueva Constitución, que merece precisamente el adjetivo calificativo de nueva, por consagrar al Ecuador como un Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia. Sobre la base de dicha premisa el presente ensayo realiza un estudio histórico comparado de esta institución del cual se desprende un ejercicio crítico que, conjuntamente con el estudio de las cláusulas de remisión de nuestra actual Constitución y la experiencia jurisprudencial ecuatoriana, permiten construir una definición y establecer un contenido propio para nuestro sistema jurídico, advirtiéndonos sobre sus oportunidades y riesgos.

A construção do Eldorado Amazônico no governo Vargas: a representação através da imagem (1940-1945)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Relatos y recuerdos sobre las ciudades de Mendoza y Santiago en la memoria de los viajeros del siglo XIX

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo realizar un estudio histórico comparativo, basado en las descripciones de los relatos de cuatro viajeros extranjeros Samuel Haigh, Peter Schmidtmeyer, Francis Bond Head y Campbell Scarlett, que llegaron entre los años 1817 y 1835 a la provincia de Mendoza para luego cruzar la cordillera de los Andes rumbo a Santiago de Chile. El trabajo se divide en dos partes; la primera se refiere a los relatos y testimonios del viaje por la provincia de Mendoza y la segunda parte destaca las descripciones sobre la ciudad de Santiago de Chile. Cada una de las partes ha sido seleccionada y analizada en sus diferentes observaciones por los relatos de cada uno de los cuatro viajeros. Destacando aquellos aspectos distintivos y originales sobre algunos temas en particular, como así también las consideraciones que hacen respecto a la sociedad, sus creencias y su cultura.

Worker Voice : Employee Representation in the Workplace in Australia, Canada, Germany, the UK and the US, 1914-1939 /

This book informs debates about worker participation in the workplace or worker voice by analysing comparative historical data relating to these ideas during the inter-war period in Australia, Canada, Germany, the UK and the US. The issue is topical because of the contemporary shift to a workplace focus in many countries without a corresponding development of infrastructure at the workplace level, and because of the growing ‘representation gap’ as union membership declines. Some commentators have called for the introduction of works councils to address these issues. Other scholars have gone back and examined the experiences with the non-union Employee Representation Plans (ERPs) in Canada and the US. This book will test these claims through examining and comparing the historical record of previous efforts of five countries during a rich period of experimentation between the Wars. In addition to ERPs, the book expands the debate will by examining union-management co-operation, Whitley works committees and German works councils.

Regionalism, globalisation and international order:Europe and Southeast Asia

New regionalism and globalization have been prominent themes in academic and political debates since the beginning of the 1990s. Despite the considerable amount of scholarly attention that the new regionalism has received in recent years, its full empirical and theoretical potential has yet to be fully investigated. This illuminating study provides an overview of new avenues in theorizing regionalism and proposes a consolidated framework for analysis and comparison. Offering a comparative historical perspective of European and Southeast Asian regionalism, it presents new and imaginative insights into the theory and practice of regionalism and the links between regional developments, globalization and international order. Contents: Introduction; Regionalism and integration theory the first wave: traditional approaches; New regionalism the second wave: towards a framework for comparative regionalism; Regionalism in the EU and ASEAN during the Cold War: the first wave; Second-wave regionalism: the post-Cold War period; Identifying regions: emerging regional identities in Europe and East Asia; Conclusion; Appendix; Bibliography; Index.

Wage inequality and productivity growth:motivating sticks and crippling carrots

Wage inequality is a particular focus of attention not only in public debates over the need for social regulation to support equity, but those over the implications of social regulation for productive performance. The present paper employs panel techniques to examine the comparative historical relationship between wage inequality and hourly labour productivity growth in the manufacturing sectors of nine advanced industrialised nations over the period 1970-1995. The results show that whilst greater inequality in the top half of the wage distribution is associated with greater productivity growth, greater inequality in the bottom half is associated with lower productivity growth. It appears that whilst wage inequality in the top half of the distribution productively motivates higher earners, wage inequality in the bottom half of the distribution is detrimental for productivity performance. The latter result is most likely attributable to the weak incentives to reorganise production where extremely low pay is feasible.