The Developing Habitus of the Anti-Social Behaviour Practitioner: From Expansion in Years of Plenty to Surviving the Age of Austerity

Specialist anti-social behaviour units are common within social housing providers, with many established in response to the policies of the New Labour governments of 1997–2010. These units now find themselves operating in a different political and financial environment. Following the English riots of 2011, the Coalition government, whilst imposing budgetary cuts across the public sector, called on social housing providers to intensify their role in tackling disorder. This article explores the habitus or working cultures within anti-social behaviour units post-New Labour. It does so through empirical research conducted in the aftermath of the English riots. The research finds that practitioners view their work as a core function of social housing provision. They have developed an understanding of human behaviour, which crosses the criminal and social policy fields with a wide skillset to match. A number of factors including national policy, community expectations, and multi-partnership engagement influence their dynamic working culture.

'If we do not cut social spending, we will end up like Greece': Challenging consent to austerity through social work action

'If we do not cut social spending, we will end up like Greece'. Establishment politicians and media figures use this new ideological mantra throughout the Western world to frighten people into consenting to further neo-liberal restructuring along with cuts in social spending. This phrase and other ideologically laden assertions hide the real causes of the Greek public debt crisis. This commentary challenges the dominant discourse by contextualizing the Greek case within the larger global neo-liberal restructuring processes and then, drawing upon Gramsci's concept of the organic intellectual, proposes ways that the members of the Professional Association of Social Workers (PASW) can engage in a war of ideas and action, as organic intellectuals, to delegitimize the dominant discourse, which seeks consent for social spending cuts and further neo-liberal restructuring of society. © The Author(s) 2013.

The EU Constitution of Social Governance in an Economic Crisis: in Defence of a Transnational Dimension to Social Europe

Conventional wisdom has it that the EU is unable to promote viable social integration, which contrasts with its commitments to improving working and living conditions and to social values and goals such as solidarity, social protection and social inclusion. This
article challenges two diff erent standpoints: on the one hand, competitive neoliberalism demands that the EU focuses on economic integration through legally binding internal market and competition rules even if Member States can only maintain a limited commitment to social inclusion, while authors defending the social models unique to the continent of Europe demand that the EU rescinds some of its established legal principles in order to make breathing space for Member States to maintain market correcting social policies. Both positions convene that there should be no genuine social policy at EU level.
This article uses scenarios of widely discussed rulings by the Court of Justice to illustrate that legally enforceable economic integration would prevent most Member States from achieving sustainable health services, labour relations and free university education on the basis of national closure. Since the EU has limited legislative competences to create EU level institutions to balance inequalities, it derives a Constitution of Social Governance from the EU’s values, proposing that the Court of Justice develops its urisprudence into an instrument for challenging European disunion induced by new EU economic governance

A Constitution of Social Governance for the European Union

This chapter considers the EU’s socio-economic constitution under the lens of humaneness. It argues that the EU’s unique socio-economic constitution demands equilibrium of socio-economic integration instead of widening the gap between economic integration at EU levels and social integration at national levels. While the EU lacks the legislative competences to achieve this equilibrium, the constitutional principle still prevails. Indeed, the EU competences reflect its own values as well as the socio-economic constitutions of its constituent Member States. These frequently do not allow for total state-governance of social spheres such as working life, education, care or other social services. Instead, societal actors are given scope to (co-)govern these spheres at national levels. Accordingly, the apparent tension between the EU’s socio-economic values and principles and its limited competences in the social policy field can be resolved through a dynamic interpretation of the EU Treaties towards a “constitution of social governance”. This interpretation reads the Treaties as authorising governance by societal actors. The chapter connects the idea of humanness to the ideals of social governance at EU level and proposes two options for practical application of the concept. These are rules for trans-national labour markets based on European collective labour agreements and a European higher education sector developed by agreements between universities.

Risking peace in the ‘War against the Poor’? Social exclusion and the legacies of the Northern Ireland conflict

Discourses around poverty, dependency and austerity take a particular form when it comes to Northern Ireland which is seen as ripe for economic ‘rebalancing’ and public sector reduction. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 is pivotal in that it provides the muscle for disciplining claimants for a low-waged, flexible labour market. But the Northern Ireland Assembly has not passed the Act or agreed a budget and the return of Direct Rule beckons as a result. The article sheds light on the stand-off over the Welfare Reform Act using data from the 2012 PSE Survey. It demonstrates that the impact of violent conflict is imprinted on the population in terms of high rates of deprivation, poor physical and mental health, and significant differences between those experiencing little or no conflict, and those with ‘high’ experience. In ignoring these legacies of the conflict, the Westminster government is risking peace in its ‘war against the poor’.

Re-embedding economic and social constitutionalism:Normative perspectives for the EU

Introduction Tensions between the economic and the social dimensions of European integration are being perceived as increasing, and so is the potential for conflict between national and European levels of policy-making. Both are well illustrated by a highly controversial line of Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) cases on industrial relations: Viking and Laval have become symbols for the continuing dominance of the economic over the social dimension of European integration and for an increasing tendency of the EU to diminish national autonomy. As one consequence, demands to protect Member States’ social policy choices from EU law pressures arise. For such demands to be tenable, isolation of national and EU policy-making and of economic and social dimensions of European integration would have to be possible. This is arguably not the case. Economic and social dimensions of integration will thus have to be reconciled across EU and national levels, if the EU and its Member States are to maintain the ability of enhancing social justice against the pulls of economic globalisation.

A Constitution of Social Governance for the European Union

his chapter considers the EU’s socio-economic constitution under the lens of humaneness. It argues that the EU’s unique socio-economic constitution demands equilibrium of socio-economic integration instead of widening the gap between economic integration at EU levels and social integration at national levels. While the EU lacks the legislative competences to achieve this equilibrium, the constitutional principle still prevails. Indeed, the EU competences reflect its own values as well as the socio-economic constitutions of its constituent Member States. These frequently do not allow for total state-governance of social spheres such as working life, education, care or other social services. Instead, societal actors are given scope to (co-)govern these spheres at national levels. Accordingly, the apparent tension between the EU’s socio-economic values and principles and its limited competences in the social policy field can be resolved through a dynamic interpretation of the EU Treaties towards a “constitution of social governance”. This interpretation reads the Treaties as authorising governance by societal actors. The chapter connects the idea of humanness to the ideals of social governance at EU level and proposes two options for practical application of the concept. These are rules for trans-national labour markets based on European collective labour agreements and a European higher education sector developed by agreements between universities.

On the edge : exploring homeless women's social networks

This thesis aims to uncover the ways that previously homeless women in the Niagara region are able (or unable) to rely on friends, family and service providers in times of crisis (homelessness and poverty). Eleven women were interviewed and their experiences indicate that social networks cannot take the place of comprehensive and inclusive social policy. Time and time again, their stories showed that they were left negotiating the detritus of neo-liberal policies.

Les policy designs contre la pauvreté : une analyse comparée des plans de lutte contre la pauvreté et l'exlusion sociale au Québec et à Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Política social en Venezuela: Constitución, paradigmas y otros elementos para el debate

El objetivo de este escrito es proponer elementos conceptuales para el debate sobre la implementación de políticas sociales bajo la actual administración del presidente Hugo Chávez Frías en Venezuela. A través del uso de conceptos propios de la Ciencia Política y de la Sociología del Derecho, junto a la definición de los paradigmas como categoría analítica, se abordan las actuales políticas sociales como el resultado de una crisis institucional que necesariamente precisa la implementación de un nuevo paradigma, con las consecuencias que este proceso trae consigo para la institucionalidad del país. A partir de la forma en la que están concebidos los derechos sociales dentro de la Constitución de 1999, se exponen algunos de los dilemas que será necesario afrontar para el pleno establecimiento de una política social institucional.-----The aim of this paper is to propose conceptual elements for discussion about the implementation of social policies under the current administration of the President Hugo Chávez Frías in Venezuela. Through the use of concepts from political science and sociology of law, together with the definition of paradigms as an analytical category, it addresses the current social policies as the result of an institutional crisis, which necessarily requires the implementation of a new paradigm, with the consequences that this process entails for the country’s institutions. Since the reform which social rights are conceived in the 1999 Constitution sets out some of the dilemmas that will be needed to meet the full establishment of an institutional social policy.

Eficiencia de los sistema de salud en los países de América Latina y del Caribe desde el indicador de esperanza de vida al nacer para los años 1990 y 2012 frente al gasto total en salud como porcentaje del producto interno bruto para el año 1995 y 2012 “una oportunidad de brenchmarking para el sistema de protección social colombiano”

Para los países emergentes en América Latina y El Caribe se hace necesario determinar la eficiencia de su sistema de salud para generar beneficios a su población desde el indicador de esperanza de vida al nacer y los recursos que se hacen uso desde Colombia en comparación con sus homólogos. Se evidencia que a pesar de Colombia poseer una economía fuerte durante el análisis de los dos momentos se mantiene en la tendencia general de los demás países y con los mismos resultados del indicador. A su vez se concluye que el momento en que se tomaron las decisiones de cambio del sistema de salud es un factor diferenciador en los resultados obtenidos como fue el caso de Costa Rica identificado con el de mejor desempeño en la relación Indicador de esperanza de vida al nacer y Porcentaje de gasto en salud como parte del Producto interno bruto.

A gestão da política de assistência social no municipio de Bugaru

A presente pesquisa analisa a Gestão da Assistência Social no Município de Bujaru, no período de 2009 à 2011, de forma crítica, evidenciando os avanços, as dificuldades e os desafios, enfrentados pelo órgão de assistência social – SEMTEPS – Secretaria Municipal de Trabalho e Promoção Social. Que foi criada para coordenar as políticas sociais e consolidar o tripé: Conselho, Plano e Fundo como partes de um todo, denominado de Sistema Único de Assistência Social, integrado e indissociável, fundamental para a qualidade da gestão e operacionalização dos serviços socioassistenciais. Considerando que no Plano Municipal de Assistência Social de 2011/2012 e suas modificações, observou-se que as ações relativas à assistência social em Bujaru, de modo geral, apresentaram-se tímidas, com base nos limites previstos na LOAS. Pois, embora não seja esta uma dificuldade específica, o reconhecimento do Município enquanto lócus das políticas sociais ainda não acontece de forma sistemática. E, para compreender esta realidade local, por meio de observações, visitas e análises bibliográficas foi necessário resgatar um pouco do histórico da assistência social no Brasil, seus princípios e diretrizes, regulamentadas pela LOAS, e, como esta política em constante inovação e evolução se efetiva, também, em Portugal.