472 resultados para autothermal reforming


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CH4-CO2-O-2 reforming to syngas in a never Ba0.5Sr0.5Co0.8Fe0.2O3.delta oxygen-permeable membrane reactor using LiLaNiO/gamma-Al2O3 as catalyst was successfully reported. Excellent reaction performance was achieved with around 92% methane conversion efficiency, 95% CO2 conversion rate, and nearly 8.5mL/min.cm(2) oxygen permeation flux. In contrast to the oxygen permeation model with the presence of large concentration of CO2 (under such condition the oxygen permeation flux deteriorates with time), the oxygen permeation flux is really stable under the CH4CO2-O-2 reforming condition.

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A novel process is developed in this paper for utilizing the coalmine-drained methane gas that is usually vented straight into the atmosphere in most coalmines worldwide. It is expected that low-cost syngas can be produced by the combined air partial oxidation and CO2 reforming of methane, because this process utilizes directly the methane, air, and carbon dioxide in the coalmine-drained gas without going through the separation step. For this purpose, a nickel-magnesia solid solution catalyst was prepared and its catalytic performance for the proposed process was investigated. It was found that calcination temperature has significant influence on the catalytic performance due to the different extent of solid solution formation in the catalysts. A uniform nickel-magnesia solid solution catalyst exhibits higher stability than the catalysts in which NiO has not completely formed solid solution with MgO. Its catalytic activity and selectivity remain stable during 120 h of reaction. The product H-2/CO ratio is mainly dependent on the feed gas composition. By changing CO2/air ratio of the feed gases, syngas with a H-2/CO ratio between 1 and 1.9 can be obtained. The influences of reaction temperature and nickel loading on the catalytic performance were also investigated. (c) 2004 Elsevier B.V All rights reserved.

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This chapter shows that apart from changes at the systemic and institutional levels, successful reform implementation struggles with a gradual change in academic beliefs, attitudes and behaviours. Currently, visions of the university proposed by the Polish academic community and visions of it proposed by Polish reformers and policymakers (within ongoing reforms) are worlds apart. I shall study recent reforms in the context of specific academic self--protective narratives being produced in the last two decades (at the collective level of the academic profession) and in the context of the Ivory Tower university ideals predominant at the individual level (as studied comparatively through a large--scale European survey of the academic profession). Institutions change both swiftly, radically – and slowly, gradually. Research literature on institutional change until recently was focused almost exclusively on the role of radical changes caused by external shocks, leading to radical institutional reconfigurations. And research literature about the gradual, incremental institutional change have been emergent for about a decade and a half now (Mahoney and Thelen 2010; Streeck and Thelen 2005, 2009; Thelen 2003). Polish higher education provides interesting empirical grounds to test institutional theories. Both types of transformations (radical and gradual) may lead to equally permanent changes in the functioning of institutions, equally deep transformations of their fundamental rules, norms and operating procedures. Questions about institutional change are questions about characteristics of institutions undergoing changes. Endogenous institutional change is as important as exogenous change (Mahoney and Thelen 2010: 3). Moments in which there emerge opportunities of performing deep institutional reforms are short (in Poland these moments occurred in 2009-2012), and between them there are long periods of institutional stasis and stability (Pierson 2004: 134-135). The premises of theories of institutional change can be applied systematically to a system of higher education which shows an unprecedented rate of change and which is exposed to broad, fundamental reform programmes. There are many ways to discuss the Kudrycka reforms - and "constructing Polish universities as organizations" (rather than traditional academic "institutions") is one of more promising. In this account, Polish universities are under construction as organizations, and under siege as institutions. They are being rationalized as organizations, following instrumental rather than institutional logics. Polish academics in their views and attitudes are still following an institutional logic, while Polish reforms are following the new (New Public Management-led) instrumental logics. Both are on a collision course about basic values. Reforms and reformees seem to be worlds apart. I am discussing the the two contrasting visions of the university and describing the Kudrycka reforms as the reistitutionalization of the research mission of Polish universities. The core of reforms is a new level of funding and governance - the intermediary one (and no longer the state one), with four new peer-run institutions, with the KEJN, PKA and NCN in the lead. Poland has been beginning to follow the "global rules of the academic game" since 2009. I am also discussing two academic self-protection modes agains reforms: (Polish) "national academic traditions" and "institutional exceptionalism" (of Polish HE). Both discourses prevailed for two decades, none seems socially (and politically) acceptable any more. Old myths do not seem to fit new realities. In this context I am discussing briefly and through large-scale empirical data the low connectedness to the outside world of Polish HE institutions, low influence of the government on HE policies and the low level of academic entrepreneurialism, as seen through the EUROAC/CAP micro-level data. The conclusion is that the Kudrycka reforms are an imporant first step only - Poland is too slow in reforms, and reforms are both underfunded and inconsistent. Poland is still accumulating disadvantages as public funding and university reforms have not reached a critical point. Ever more efforts lead to ever less results, as macro-level data show. Consequently, it may be useful to construct universities as organizations in Poland to a higher degree than elsewhere in Europe, and especially in Western Europe.

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Reflects on problems created by the formalities applicable to leases, with reference to the exceptions to the rule that leases be made by deed and the position of tenants paying rent under a void lease. Considers possible proposals for simplifying the system, including the introduction of a single requirement that all leases be in writing, abolishing the need for a deed when assigning a tenancy and reforming the right of tenants under a short lease to oblige landlords to supply written details of the tenancy terms.

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Bolivia and Peru adopted the same instruments of social policy —conditional cash transfer programs— to solve the same public problems under different political regimes. By means of the qualitative methodology of discourse analysis, this paper studies the representations of poverty and State made by key actors of those social programs. Underlying more differences than similarities, one demonstrates that the same social policy is linked to opposite social representations of poverty and the State role in every country. The main explanation for this is, far from being imposed by international organizations, those programs are adopted and adapted by each political regime.

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One of the most decisive factors in the quality of education and academic performance of students is quality, preparation and dedication of the teachers. The exquisite system of selecting candidates for teacher training programs is one of the fundamentals of success of the Finnish Education System. The responsibility of choosing the best students to convert them into teachers is a challenge that involves a significant reform of university admission. Achieving this goal involves the choice of strategies and educational tools in accordance to the complexity of the demands presented by the teaching profession in the digital age. This study describes, analyzes and compares the admission tests in the University of Spain (PAU) and Finland (VAKAVA), for those who wish to become professional educators, in order to understand the possible influence of these tests to select the most suitable candidates to develop into future teaching professionals. The results showed that in Spain, the entrance test to universities is developed in a general way for all the students that aspire to any field of knowledge, while in Finland, the test is specific and particular for students aspiring to the field of education. The results of this study can guide and encourage the necessary changes that have to be done in the admission tests to Spanish university in general and to teacher education faculties in particular.

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In 1997, New Labour set about the task of reforming public services in the United Kingdom through the use of an ideology that became known as the ‘Third Way’. This research examines the context from which this concept emerged, and explores its relationship with the tools of delivery, with particular reference to the Private Finance Initiative (PFI). The paper begins by reviewing the Third Way, before analysing the arguments for and against PFI. Using an example from the Northern Ireland education sector, the paper argues that the characteristics associated with the Third Way are mirrored in the operational tools of public service delivery, such as PFI. The paper concludes that, within the context of the case study reviewed, there is a ‘consistent pragmatism’ in play in relation to how these delivery initiatives are operated and how they relate to their conceptual underpinnings.

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During recent years, a wide spectrum of research has questioned whether public services/infrastructure procurement through private finance, as exemplified by the UK Private Finance Initiative (PFI), meets minimum standards of democratic accountability. While broadly agreeing with some of these arguments, this paper suggests that this debate is flawed on two grounds. Firstly, PFI is not about effective procurement, or even about a pragmatic choice of procurement mechanisms which can potentially compromise public involvement and input; rather it is about a process where the state creates new profit opportunities at a time when the international financial system is increasingly lacking in safe investment opportunities. Secondly, because of its primary function as investment opportunity, PFI, by its very nature, prioritises the risk-return criteria of private finance over the needs of the public sector client and its stakeholders. Using two case studies of recent PFI projects, the paper illustrates some of the mechanisms through which finance capital exercises control over the PFI procurement process. The paper concludes that recent proposals aimed at “reforming” or “democratising” PFI fail to recognise the objective constraints which this type of state-finance capital nexus imposes on political process.

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This chapter sets out to explain the factors behind Ireland's exceptional period of economic growth from the early 1990s to the mid 2000s. It suggests that an unbending commitment to economic openness and an on-going effort to establish quality domestic institutions were the main drivers of the so-called ‘Celtic tiger’ phenomenon. The commitment to economic openness manifested itself in the relentless search for inward investment and a willingness to accept deep forms of European integration. Building domestic institutional capabilities involved adopting new-classical macroeconomic policies, creating a robust system of social partnership and reforming the educational system. The two factors positively interacted with each other to create dynamic effects.

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The impact of the global financial crisis has been particularly severe in Ireland, and the 2008-14 period has been one defined by considerable state retrenchment. It has, however, also given rise to a period of unprecedented public service reform, and particularly following the election of a government with a strong reforming mandate in 2011. In this paper, the context and content of the reforms are examined along institutional, financial and politico-administrative dimensions respectively. A final section discusses the politics of reform in a time of crisis.

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The Coalition Government elected in 2010 in the UK pursued a programme of quango reform focusedon reducing the number and expenditure of arm’slength bodies, increasing transparency, improvingaccountability and maximising efficiency and effectiveness. In this article we revisit Flinders andSkelchers’ 2012 article ‘Shrinking the quango state: five challenges in reforming quangos’ to assessprogress to date and consider future challenges. Drawing insights from the UK programme ofquango reform , as well as similar developments in Ireland, we identify five new challenges for governments: ‘regulating’, ‘managing’, ‘reconciling’, ‘co‐ordinating’ and ‘reflecting’.

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Density functional theory calculations were carried out to examine the mechanism of ethanol decomposition on the Rh(211) surface. We found that there are two possible decomposition pathways: (1) CH(3)CH(2)OH -> CH(3)CHOH -> CH(3)COH -> CH(3)CO -> CH(3) + CO -> CH(2) + CO -> CH + CO -> C + CO and (2) CH(3)CH(2)OH -> CH(3)CHOH -> CH(3)COH -> CH(2)COH -> CHCOH -> CHCO -> CH + CO -> C + CO. Both pathways have a common intermediate of CH(3)COH, and the key step is the formation of CH(3)CHOH species. According to our calculations, the mechanism of ethanol decomposition on Rh(211) is totally different from that on Rh(111): the reaction proceeds via CH(3)COH rather than an oxametallacycle species (-CH(2)CH(2)O- for Rh( 111)), which implies that the decomposition process is structure sensitive. Further analyses on electronic structures revealed that the preference of the initial C(alpha)-H path is mainly due to the significant reduction of d-electron energy in the presence of the transition state (TS) complex, which may stabilize the TS-surface system. The present work first provides a clear picture for ethanol decomposition on stepped Rh(211), which is an important first step to completely understand the more complicated reactions, like ethanol steam reforming and electrooxidation.

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Forms of integrated schooling are currently promoted in post-conflict Northern Ireland, but an earlier attempt to establish secular education in Ireland during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – the Irish National Schools system – is often forgotten. A preliminary archaeological study of former National Schools indicated differences in size, placement and external appearance between rural and urban buildings, possibly linked to the expression of divergent cultural and religious traditions in conflict with the reforming principles of the national system. This paper uses archaeological and anthropological perspectives to examine the social and cultural significance of such schools, including the first recorded excavation of an Irish National School, in relation to their past and current significance for education, identity, landscape, place and kinship.

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Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.