993 resultados para Positive politics


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This article draws together seven practitioners and scholars from across the diffuse GeoHumanities community to reflect on the pasts and futures of the GeoHumanities. Far from trying to circle the intellectual wagons around orthodoxies of practice or intent, or to determine possibilities in advance, these contributions and the accompanying commentary seek to create connections across the diverse communities of knowledge and practice that constitute the GeoHumanities. Ahead of these six contributions a commentary situates these discussions within wider concerns with interdisciplinarity and identifies three common themes—possibilities practices, and publics—worthy of further discus- sion and reflection. The introduction concludes by identifying a fourth theme, politics, that coheres these three themes in productive and important ways.

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The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

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To investigate the risk of hyperuricemia in relation to Perfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) in children from Taiwan, 225 Taiwanese children aged 12-15 years were recruited from 2009 to 2010. Linear and logistic regression models were employed to examine the influence of PFASs on serum uric acid levels. Findings revealed that eight of ten PFASs analyses were detected in > 94% of the participants' serum samples. Multivariate linear regression models revealed that perfluorooctanic acid (PFOA) was positively associated with serum uric acid levels (β=0.1463, p<0.05). Of all the PFASs analyses, only PFOA showed a significant effect on elevated levels of hyperuricemia (aOR=2.16, 95%CI: 1.29-3.61). When stratified by gender, the association between serum PFOA and uric acid levels was only evident among boys (aOR=2.76, 95%CI: 1.37-5.56). In conclusion, PFOA was found to be associated with elevated serum levels of uric acid in Taiwanese children, especially boys. Further research is needed to elucidate these links.

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Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

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As the resistance of bacteria to conventional antibiotics has become an increasing problem, new antimicrobial drugs are urgently needed. One possible source of new antibacterial agents is a group of cationic antimicrobial peptides (CAMPs) produced by practically all living organisms. These peptides are typically small, amphipathic and positively charged and contain well defined a-helical or b-sheet secondary structures. The main antibacterial action mechanism of CAMPs is considered to be disruption of the cell membrane, but other targets of CAMPs also exist. Some bacterial species have evolved defence mechanisms against the harmful effects of CAMPs. One of the most effective defence mechanisms is reduction of the net negative charge of bacterial cell surfaces. Global analysis of gene expression of two Gram-positive bacteria, Bacillus subtilis and Staphylococcus aureus, was used to further study the stress responses induced by different types of CAMPs. B. subtilis cells were treated with sublethal concentrations of a-helical peptide LL-37, b-sheet peptide protegrin 1 or synthetic analogue poly-L-lysine, and the changes in gene expression were studied using DNA macroarrays. In the case of S. aureus, three different a-helical peptides were selected for the transcriptome analyses: temporin L, ovispirin-1 and dermaseptin K4-S4(1-16). Transcriptional changes caused by peptide stress were examined using oligo DNA microarrays. The transcriptome analysis revealed two main cell signalling mechanisms mediating CAMP stress responses in Gram-positive bacteria: extracytoplasmic function (ECF)sigma factors and two-component systems (TCSs). In B. subtilis, ECF sigma factors sigW and sigM as well as TCS LiaRS responded to the cell membrane disruption caused by CAMPs. In S. aureus, CAMPs caused a similar stress response to antibiotics interfering in cell wall synthesis, and TCS VraSR was strongly activated. All of these transcriptional regulators are known to respond to several compounds other than CAMPs interfering with cell envelope integrity, suggesting that they sense cell envelope stress in general. Among the most strongly induced genes were yxdLM (in B. subtilis) and vraDE (in S. aureus) encoding homologous ABC transporters. Transcription of yxdLM and vraDE operons is controlled by TCSs YxdJK and ApsRS, respectively. These TCSs seemed to be responsible for the direct recognition of CAMPs. The yxdLM operon was specifically induced by LL-37, but its role in CAMP resistance remained unclear. VraDE was proven to be a bacitracin transporter. We also showed that the net positive charge of the cell wall affects the signalrecognition of different TCSs responding to cell envelope stress. Inactivation of the Dlt system responsible for the D-alanylation of teichoic acids had a strong and differential effect on the activity of the studied TCSs, depending on their functional role in cells and the stimuli they sense.

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A positive cis-acting DNA element in the near 5'-upstream region of the CYP2B1/B2 genes in rat liver was found to play an important role in the transcription of these genes. An oligonucleotide covering -69 to -98 nt mimicked the gel mobility shift pattern given by the fragment -179 to +29 nt, which was earlier found adequate to confer the regulatory features of this gene. Two major complexes were seen, of which the slower and faster moving complexes became intense under uninduced and Phenobarbitone-induced conditions respectively. Minigene cloned DNA plasmid covering -179 to +181 nt in pUC 19 and Bal 31 mutants derived from this parent were transcribed in whole nuclei and cell free transcription extracts and mutants containing only upto -75 nt of the upstream were poorly transcribed. Transcription extracts from phenobarbitone-injected rat liver nuclei were significantly more active than extracts from uninduced rats in transcribing the minigene constructs. Addition of the oligonucleotide (-69 to -98nt) specifically inhibited the transcription of the minigene construct (-179 to +181 nt) in the cell free transcription system. It is therefore, concluded that the region -69 to -98 nt acts as a positive cis-acting element in the transcription of the CYP2B1/B2 genes and in mediating the inductive effects of phenobarbitone.

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The paper presents a model where the median voter in the donor country determines the support of foreign aid. It is first established that an individual in the donor country is affected by the direct benefits (due to altruism) and costs (due to taxes) of giving aid, and by the indirect benefits or costs of a change in the terms of trade. Then it is shown that the latter effect works through changing both the donor country's average income and its distribution of income. Given the stylized facts of a capital-abundant donor country and relatively capital-poor median voter, it is shown how redistribution-of-income effects soften the impact of terms-of-trade changes on the political support for foreign aid.

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An isolated wind power generation scheme using slip ring induction machine (SRIM) is proposed. The proposed scheme maintains constant load voltage and frequency irrespective of the wind speed or load variation. The power circuit consists of two back-to-back connected inverters with a common dc link, where one inverter is directly connected to the rotor side of SRIM and the other inverter is connected to the stator side of the SRIM through LC filter. Developing a negative sequence compensation method to ensure that, even under the presence of unbalanced load, the generator experiences almost balanced three-phase current and most of the unbalanced current is directed through the stator side converter is the focus here. The SRIM controller varies the speed of the generator with variation in the wind speed to extract maximum power. The difference of the generated power and the load power is either stored in or extracted from a battery bank, which is interfaced to the common dc link through a multiphase bidirectional fly-back dc-dc converter. The SRIM control scheme, maximum power point extraction algorithm and the fly-back converter topology are incorporated from available literature. The proposed scheme is both simulated and experimentally verified.

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Theories of deliberative politics position grass-roots community members as more than spectators of politics, and instead recognize their capacity for political engagement by discussing and evaluating options in order to make decisions about issues affecting community life. The processes and products of journalism can assist deliberative politics by providing community members with information resources that are vital for understanding the root causes of problems, weighing up competing claims, forming networks around shared concerns, reaching decisions and undertaking action. This article presents the findings of case studies of four community–classroom projects--one each from Australia, New Zealand, the United States and South Africa--that develop the capacity of journalism students to be effective contributors to deliberative politics. The research points to the importance of learning activities that prepare students to work in diverse communities, map significant community places and structures, identify leaders and stakeholders, engage in respectful dialogue about problems and perspectives, and appreciate community frames and values.

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Mycobacterium tuberculosis is the etiologic agent of human tuberculosis and is estimated to infect one-third of the world's population. Control of M. tuberculosis requires T cells and macrophages. T-cell function is modulated by the cytokine environment, which in mycobacterial infection is a balance of proinflammatory (interleukin-1 [IL-1], IL-6, IL-8, IL-12, and tumor necrosis factor alpha) and inhibitory (IL-10 and transforming growth factor beta [TGF-beta]) cytokines. IL-10 and TGF-beta are produced by M. tuberculosis-infected macrophages. The effect of IL-10 and TGF-beta on M. tuberculosis-reactive human CD4(+) and gammadelta T cells, the two major human T-cell subsets activated by M. tuberculosis, was investigated. Both IL-10 and TGF-beta inhibited proliferation and gamma interferon production by CD4(+) and gammadelta T cells. IL-10 was a more potent inhibitor than TGF-beta for both T-cell subsets. Combinations of IL-10 and TGF-beta did not result in additive or synergistic inhibition. IL-10 inhibited gammadelta and CD4(+) T cells directly and inhibited monocyte antigen-presenting cell (APC) function for CD4(+) T cells and, to a lesser extent, for gammadelta T cells. TGF-beta inhibited both CD4(+) and gammadelta T cells directly and had little effect on APC function for gammadelta and CD4(+) T cells. IL-10 down-regulated major histocompatibility complex (MHC) class I, MHC class II, CD40, B7-1, and B7-2 expression on M. tuberculosis-infected monocytes to a greater extent than TGF-beta. Neither cytokine affected the uptake of M. tuberculosis by monocytes. Thus, IL-10 and TGF-beta both inhibited CD4(+) and gammadelta T cells but differed in the mechanism used to inhibit T-cell responses to M. tuberculosis.

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Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.

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Background The irreversible ErbB family blocker afatinib and the reversible EGFR tyrosine kinase inhibitor gefitinib are approved for first-line treatment of EGFR mutation-positive non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC). We aimed to compare the efficacy and safety of afatinib and gefitinib in this setting. Methods This multicentre, international, open-label, exploratory, randomised controlled phase 2B trial (LUX-Lung 7) was done at 64 centres in 13 countries. Treatment-naive patients with stage IIIB or IV NSCLC and a common EGFR mutation (exon 19 deletion or Leu858Arg) were randomly assigned (1:1) to receive afatinib (40 mg per day) or gefitinib (250 mg per day) until disease progression, or beyond if deemed beneficial by the investigator. Randomisation, stratified by EGFR mutation type and status of brain metastases, was done centrally using a validated number generating system implemented via an interactive voice or web-based response system with a block size of four. Clinicians and patients were not masked to treatment allocation; independent review of tumour response was done in a blinded manner. Coprimary endpoints were progression-free survival by independent central review, time-to-treatment failure, and overall survival. Efficacy analyses were done in the intention-to-treat population and safety analyses were done in patients who received at least one dose of study drug. This ongoing study is registered with ClinicalTrials.gov, number NCT01466660. Findings Between Dec 13, 2011, and Aug 8, 2013, 319 patients were randomly assigned (160 to afatinib and 159 to gefitinib). Median follow-up was 27·3 months (IQR 15·3–33·9). Progression-free survival (median 11·0 months [95% CI 10·6–12·9] with afatinib vs 10·9 months [9·1–11·5] with gefitinib; hazard ratio [HR] 0·73 [95% CI 0·57–0·95], p=0·017) and time-to-treatment failure (median 13·7 months [95% CI 11·9–15·0] with afatinib vs 11·5 months [10·1–13·1] with gefitinib; HR 0·73 [95% CI 0·58–0·92], p=0·0073) were significantly longer with afatinib than with gefitinib. Overall survival data are not mature. The most common treatment-related grade 3 or 4 adverse events were diarrhoea (20 [13%] of 160 patients given afatinib vs two [1%] of 159 given gefitinib) and rash or acne (15 [9%] patients given afatinib vs five [3%] of those given gefitinib) and liver enzyme elevations (no patients given afatinib vs 14 [9%] of those given gefitinib). Serious treatment-related adverse events occurred in 17 (11%) patients in the afatinib group and seven (4%) in the gefitinib group. Ten (6%) patients in each group discontinued treatment due to drug-related adverse events. 15 (9%) fatal adverse events occurred in the afatinib group and ten (6%) in the gefitinib group. All but one of these deaths were considered unrelated to treatment; one patient in the gefitinib group died from drug-related hepatic and renal failure. Interpretation Afatinib significantly improved outcomes in treatment-naive patients with EGFR-mutated NSCLC compared with gefitinib, with a manageable tolerability profile. These data are potentially important for clinical decision making in this patient population.