Ética e responsabilidade social das organizações perante os Técnicos Oficiais de Contas

Mestrado em Contabilidade

Construction of womanhood in the bengali language of Bangladesh

The subject-matter of this essay is gender justice in language which, as I argue, may be achieved through the development of a gender-related approach to linguistic human rights. The last decades of the 20th century, globally marked by a “gender shift” in attitudes to language policy, gave impetus to the social movement for promoting linguistic gender equality. It was initiated in Western Europe and nowadays is moving eastwards, as ideas of gender democracy progress into developing countries. But, while in western societies gender discrimination through language, or linguistic sexism, was an issue of concern for over three decades, in developing countries efforts to promote gender justice in language are only in their infancy. My argument is that to promote gender justice in language internationally it is necessary to acknowledge the rights of women and men to equal representation of their gender in language and speech and, therefore, raise a question of linguistic rights of the sexes. My understanding is that the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights in 1996 provided this opportunity to address the problem of gender justice in language as a human rights issue, specifically as a gender dimension of linguistic human rights.

Patterns of Associational Life in Western Europe, 1800-2000

Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Science of the European University Institute

The interrogation of witnesses abroad in execution of a european investigation order: an examination from eyes of the defence

European Master Human Rights and Democratisation

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Is the Lunatic Detention Act of 1917 appropriate for modern Gambia?

RESUMO: OS distúrbios mentais, neurológicos e devidos ao abuso de substâncias tem uma grande prevalência e peso em todo o Mundo. O objetivo principal deste estudo é contribuir para a melhoria dos direitos humanos das pessoas com deficiências mentais na Gâmbia, através de uma revisão e análise críticas de uma obsoleta legislação de saúde mental do País o "Lunatic Act Detention (LDA) de 1917".----- ABSTRACT: Mental, neurological, and substance use disorders are highly prevalente and burdensome worlwide. The violations of human rights directed towards people with this disorders compound the problam. This study mainly aims to contribute do the improvement of human rights of people with mental disabilities in Gambia by doing a critical review and analysis to the countries outdated mental health legislation - Lunatic Detention ct (LDA) from 1917.

Insurance segmentation as unfair discrimination: what to expect next in the wake of Test-Achats

Proceedings of the 16th Annual Conference organized by the Insurance Law Association of Serbia and German Foundation for International Legal Co-Operation (IRZ), entitled "Insurance law, governance and transparency: basics of the legal certainty" Palic Serbia, 17-19 April 2015.

Segurança privada

This work aims to reflect on the way as the security has come to evolue, fitting new private actors who now play functions, long ago private the public beings. This new situation raises issues of privatization of public authority, which puts into question the ius imperii and rights of citizens. Although private security is a growing reality, and that it needed to study.

Contribution of Mental Health Service User Groups to Mental Health Services and Policy in Ghana : The Case of Mental Health Society of Ghana

RESUMO: Este estudo procurou documentar a perspectiva (s) dos utentes de saúde mental e das associações de prestadores de cuidados sobre a prestação, o papel e a contribuição de serviços de saúde mental da comunidade tal como foram percebidos por um número de informadores-chave, incluindo os utentes do serviço mentais e os próprios prestadores de cuidados. O caso específico da Sociedade Saúde Mental do Gana (MEHSOG) foi o foco deste estudo. O modelo foi o de um estudo de caso, utilizando discussões de grupo e entrevistas com informadores-chave como instrumentos de recolha de dados. Estas ferramentas de colheita de dados foram complementadas por observações dos participantes e pela revisão de documentos da MEHSOG e dos vários grupos de apoio da comunidade de auto-ajuda que compõem a associação nacional. O estudo revelou que os utentes dos serviços de saúde mental e seus prestadores de cuidados constituem um importante grupo de partes interessadas na prestação de serviços de saúde mental da comunidade e no desenvolvimento de políticas que tenham em conta as necessidades e os direitos das pessoas com doença mental ou epilepsia. O envolvimento da MEHSOG promove a mobilização de membros e famílias relacionadas com a doença mental de beneficiar de serviços de tratamento bem organizados com um impacto significativo na melhoria da saúde e da participação dos utentes dos serviços e seus prestadores de cuidados primários em processos de tomada de decisão da família e na comunidade processos de desenvolvimento. Os utentes dos serviços por beneficiarem de tratamento, e os prestadores de cuidados primários, por se tornarem mais livres e menos sobrecarregados com a responsabilidade de cuidar, podem passar a envolver-se mais em atividades que melhoramo seu estado, o de suas famílias e das comunidades. A advocacia dos membros da MEHSOG para conseguir que a “Mental Health Bill” se transforme numa Lei foi também um desenvolvimento significativo resultante da participação ativa dos utentes do serviço em chamar a atenção para uma nova e inclusiva legislação de saúde mental para o Gana. Entre os fatores e oportunidades que permitiram aos utentes dos serviços de saúde mental e aos prestadores de cuidados primários de pessoas com doença mental apoiar activamente a prestação de serviços de saúde mental comunitária e o desenvolvimento de políticas conta-se a contribuição da sociedade civil do Gana, particularmente o movimento da deficiência, e os esforços anteriores de ONGs em saúde mental e dos profissionais de saúde mental para ter uma nova lei em saúde mental. Observámos um certo número de desafios e barreiras que actuam de forma a limitar a influência dos utentes dos serviços de saúde mental na provisão da saúde mental comunitária e no desenvolvimento de políticas. Entre elas o estigma social contra a doença mental e pessoas com doença mental ou epilepsia e seus cuidadores primaries é um factor chave. O estigma tem alterado a percepção e as análises do público em geral, especialmente dos profissionais de saúde e das autoridades políticas afetando a priorização dos problemas de saúde mental nas políticas e programas. Outro desafio foi a deficiente infra-estrutura disponível para apoiar serviços de saúde mentais que assegurem aos utentes permanecerem em bom estado de saúde e bem-estar para serem advogados de si próprios. A recomendação do presente estudo é que os movimentos de utentes dos serviços de saúde mental são importantes e que eles precisam de ser apoiados e encorajados a desempenhar o seu papel como pessoas com experiência vivida para contribuir para a organização e prestação de serviços de saúde mental, bem como para a implementação, monitorização e avaliação de políticas e programas. ------------------------------------ ABSTRACT: This study sought to document the perspective(s) of mental health users and care-givers associations in community mental health service provision and their role and contribution as it was perceived by a number of key informants including the mental service users and care-givers themselves. The specific case of the Mental Health Society of Ghana (MEHSOG) was the focus of this study. A case study approach was used to with Focus Group Discussions and Key Informants Interviews being the data collection tools that were used. These data collection tools were complemented by participant observations and review of documents of the MEHSOG and the various community self-help peer support groups that make up the national association. The study revealed that mental health service users and their care-givers constitute an important stakeholder group in community mental health service provision and development of policies that factor in the needs and rights of persons with mental illness or epilepsy. MEHSOG’s involvement in mobilising members and education families to come forward with the relations with mental illness to benefit from treatment services were well made a significant impact in improving the health and participation of service users and their primary carers in family decision-making processes and in community development processes. Service users, on benefiting from treatment, and primary care-givers, on becoming freer and less burdened with the responsibility of care, move on to engage in secure livelihoods activities, which enhanced their status in their families and communities. The advocacy MEHSOG members undertook in getting the mental health Bill become Law was also noted as significant development that was realised as a result of active involvement of service users in calling for a new and inclusive mental health legislation for Ghana. Enabling factors and opportunities that enabled mental health service users and primary care-givers of people with mental illness to actively support community mental health service provision and policy development is with the vibrant civil society presence in Ghana, particularly the disability movement, and earlier efforts by NGOs in mental health in Ghana long-side mental health professionals to have a new law in mental health. A number of challenges were also noted which were found to limit the extent to which mental health service users can be influential in community mental health service provision and policy development. Key among them was the social stigma against mental illness and people with mental illness or epilepsy and their primary carers. Stigma has affected perceptions, analyses of the general public, especially health practitioners and policy authorities that it has affected their prioritisation of mental health issues in policies and programmes. Another challenge was the poor infrastructure available to support enhanced mental health care services that ensure mental health service users remain in a good state of health and wellbeing to advocate for themselves. The recommendation from the study is that mental health service user movements are important and need to be supported and encouraged to play their role as persons with lived experience to inform organisation and provision of mental health services as well as design and implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programes.

A internet e o sistema de justiça

The subject of study of this Thesis aims to highlight and recognize as an object of reflection the undoubted relationship between the Internet and the Justice System, based on the issue of digital evidence. The simultaneously crossing of the juridical-legal implications and the more technical computer issues is the actual trigger for the discussion of the issues established. The Convention on Cybercrime of the Council of Europe of 23rd November 2001 and the Council Framework Decision n.° 2005/222/JHA of 24th February 2005 were avant-garde in terms of the international work about the crimes in the digital environment. In addition they enabled the harmonization of national legislations on the matter and, consequently, a greater flexibility in international judicial cooperation. Portugal, in compliance with these international studies, ratified, implemented and approved Law n. º 109/2009 of 15th September concerning the Cybercrime Act, establishing a more specific investigation and collection of evidence in electronic support when it comes to combating this type of crime, as it reinforced the Substantive Criminal Law and Procedural Nature. Nevertheless, the constant debates about the New Technologies of Information and Communication have not neglected the positive role of these tools for the user. However, they express a particular concern for their counterproductive effects; a special caution prevails on the part of the judge in assessing the digital evidence, especially circumstantial evidence, due to the its fragility. Indisputably, the practice of crimes through the computer universe, given its inexorable technical complexity, entails many difficulties for the forensic investigation, since the proofs hold temporary, changeable, volatile, and dispersed features. In this pillar, after the consummation of iter criminis, the Fundamental Rights of the suspects may be debated in the course of the investigation and the construction of iter probatorium. The intent of this Thesis is to contribute in a reflective way on the issues presented in order to achieve a bigger technical and legal awareness regarding the collection of digital proof, looking for a much lighter approach to its suitability in terms of evidentiary value.

‘Fala connosco!’ : o jornalismo infantil e a participação das crianças, em Portugal e no Brasil

Esta tese se concentra na participação das crianças no jornalismo feito para elas. Buckingham (2009) entende que as crianças devem exercer os seus direitos de participação, estabelecidos na Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança (1989), também na área da produção midiática. Isto significa que as crianças devem dizer, para os produtores e legisladores de mídia, os seus desejos e sugestões, críticas e concordâncias, além de produzir conteúdos próprios. Para o investigador britânico, isso está relacionado ao que ele chama de “direito das crianças à representação”, garantia que não está abarcada pela Convenção. O objetivo desse novo direito seria o de que as crianças não só sejam ouvidas mas também criem e defendam melhores formas de representação das infâncias contemporâneas, através da participação nos canais de mídia. Além disso, as representações das crianças apresentadas no discurso jornalístico são parte do quadro social e cultural que forma o que entendemos por infância contemporânea (e que a distingue do que é “ser adulto”). A imprensa voltada especificamente para as crianças pode entender melhor o cotidiano dos meninos e meninas e, através de representações da(s) infância(s) mais complexas, pode lembrar à sociedade que as crianças também estão envolvidas em questões gerais, como a organização cultural e socioeconômica de suas cidades, de seus países ou do mundo — expandindo o conceito de infância aceito atualmente. Os canais de participação oferecidos pelos meios de comunicação e as novas formas de comunicação que as crianças têm à sua disposição, através da internet, são possíveis formas de assegurar o direito defendido por Buckingham. Mas as crianças têm vindo a utilizar as novas formas digitais de participação para se comunicar com os jornalistas que escrevem para elas? Existe um interesse voluntário das crianças neste tipo de participação? São comentários enviados diretamente por elas ou por seus responsáveis, preocupados com os conteúdos dos veículos que oferecem aos seus filhos, netos e alunos? Para responder a essas questões, analisamos 515 cartas e e-mails enviados para duas revistas feitas para crianças, no Brasil (“Ciência Hoje das Crianças”) e em Portugal (“Visão Júnior”), em 2013-14. Entrevistamos ainda crianças de nove a 16 anos de idade em ambos os países. Analisando a amostra de mensagens, vimos que os leitores (a maioria crianças, e não adultos responsáveis por elas) escrevem intensamente para ambas as revistas e que eles estão usando mais o e-mail para esta atividade — embora no Brasil não tenham abandonado completamente o papel quando a comunicação é gerada na escola. Nesse país, o uso da internet por crianças nas escolas é menor do que em Portugal. Como conclusões, entendemos que a integração digital não tende a aumentar a comunicação on-line com essas revistas de papel, porém ela expande as fontes de informação acessadas pelas crianças — ainda que elas nem sempre consigam diferenciar entretenimento de informação jornalística. Esses meninos e meninas, voluntariamente ou incentivados pelos professores (aparentemente não por pais ou colegas), veem o espaço para publicação de cartas do leitor nas revistas como uma plataforma por meio da qual podem intervir na oferta editorial. Mas isso acontece de forma “reforçadora”, ou seja, pedindo mais do que eles já veem e apreciam. Acreditamos ser necessário investimento em literacia midiária, através da mediação dos pais e da escola, para estimular as crianças a pedirem um jornalismo melhor, de uma forma que elas ainda nem sabem ser possível. //

Derechos de participación e información en programas dirigidos a adolescentes en escuelas secundarias de la Ciudad de Córdoba: cumplimiento progresivo y estrategias de promoción. Participation and information rights in programs for adolescents in secondary schools in Cordoba City: progressive implementation and promotion strategies.

Abordar la infancia desde el enfoque de derechos (ED) implica una lectura de los derechos de los cuales los niños, niñas y adolescentes (NNA) son titulares y de las acciones estatales que se implementan para viabilizar el ejercicio concreto de ellos. Esta perspectiva exige comprender los contenidos de las políticas púb,el grado de participación que se les asigna y los sentidos que ellas toman en términos de progresividad de los derechos. Los cambios de concepción de la infancia desde la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN) y los cambios legislativos interpelan al Estado y la sociedad a modificar la visión hegemónica. Nuestra hipótesis gira alrededor de las siguientes considerac.: se han producido algunas modificaciones en las políticas y acciones estatales, aún no se dan las transformaciones necesarias de las lógicas institucionales y de los operadores que estimulen la participación de NNA en el ámbito escolar. Esto se visualiza en la ausencia de análisis cuali de los contenidos de las acc. y la falta de ftes estadísticas específicas, que muestren la orientac.de los contenidos en los principios de la protecc.integral. Estos presupuestos plantean interrogantes que delimitan el problema de investigación: ¿cómo se construye y reconstruye el ejercicio de la ciudadanía a través de la participación de los NNA, en su paso por la escuela, y cuáles son las lógicas institucionales que habilitan u obstaculizan ese ejercicio? Y ¿cuáles son los recursos institucionales que permitan que los programas y acciones redunden en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos?.Obj.gral: Describir, analizar e interpretar la progresividad en el ejercicio de los derechos de participación e informacióin que tienen los adolescentes en escuelas secundarias de la cd de Cba, durante 2005 / 2010, para promover espacios públicos de construcción de ciudadanía. Se analizarán tres escuelas de Córdoba, escuela pública provincial, púb. nacional y privada. Obj. Espec.: Analizar las prácticas participativas formales e informales en las escuelas seleccionadas.- Aplicar indicadores cuanti y cualitativos del “Sistema de Indicadores para los derechos de la Infancia” Describir y analizar los recursos materiales y humanos. Elaborar y proponer procedim. para la confec. de registros de datos estadísticos - Elaborar y proponer lineamientos para la elaborac.e implementac.de acciones. Diseñar herramientas de difusión sobre los ds de participación e información.Esta investigac. es de carácter descriptivo e interpretativo, analizará diferentes ftes de informac.con técnicas cuanti y cualitativas, durante período la promulgación de la Ley 26061/05 y la adhesión prov. 9396/07. Se tomarán del Sistema de Indicadores, el derecho a la educación, el tema transversal “Acceso a la información y participación”, y las categorías de análisis “Recepción del Derecho y Capacidades estatales”. Se trabajaran indicadores cuanti y señales de progreso (cualitativos): estructurales, proceso y resultados. Serán analizados los Programas implementados durante el período de estudio. Estrategias cuali observac. participante, entrevistas, grupos focales, talleres de sensibilización, etc .Otras ftes de info: doc. institucionales, registros, evaluac, contenidos de programas y campañas y de difusión, prensa escrita, legislaciones, etc. La info se analizará a través Programa Atlas Ti, y del análisis estadístico. Algunos resultados esperados: Evaluac.y ajuste del Sistema de indicadores, la sensibilizac. desde el EF de autorid. escol. para la formulac. de planes y programas para el monitoreo adecuado de los mismos y para la rendic. de ctas de su gestión. Estimular la participac. de NNA en la escuela. Realizac.de documental. Brindar herramientas al Edo para superv de la aplicación progresiva del ejercicio de los derechos de participación e información de NNA Promov la continua evaluac. de los programas y acc.desde el ED para estimular el reconoc. de la nec.de ajuste de la política. The issue of children from the rights focus implies a reading of the rights in which children and adolescents are the holders and the state actions that are implemented to enable the exercise of them. This perspective requires understanding the contents of the public policies, the participation level that is assigned, and the senses that they take in terms of rights progressivity of. The conception changes about children since the International Convention on the Rights of the Child and legislative changes challenge to the State and society to modify hegemony vision. Our hypothesis revolves around the following considerations: there have been some public policies and state actions changes, but they not turn out, yet, transformations in logical institutional and actors whose are encourages children participation in school. This could be reflects in the absence of qualitative analysis in the actions contents and the lack of sources specific statistics, that will be showing the control of the principal contents of integral protection. These, raise the questions that delimit our problem research: how is built citizenship exercise through children and adolescent’s participation in the school, and what are the institutional logical that empowers or turns difficult that exercise? And What are the institutional resources that make possible the effective exercise of the rights, through different programs and actions?. General Objective: To describe, analyze and interpret exercise progressivity participation and information rights that have the adolescents in secondary schools in Córdoba City during 2005 / 2010, in order to promote public spaces for the construction of citizenship. It will analyze three schools in Cordoba, provincial public school, national public school and private school. . Obj. Specifics: To analyze the formal and informal participative practices in the schools selected. - To apply quantitative and qualitative indicators of the “Indicators System for Infa

Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

Physical and Sensory Disability Strategy and Action Plan 2011-2015 - Summary of the feedback and findings from the public consultation (PDF 248KB)

On 27 January 2011 the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSSPS) launched a three month public consultation for a new draft Physical and Sensory Disability Strategy and Action Plan (2011-2015). åÊ The aim of the consultation was to provide the opportunity for a range of different stakeholders (public authorities and organisations, individuals including persons with disabilities and community and voluntary organisations) from across Northern Ireland to give feedback on the suggested priorities and challenges detailed in the document. The Department recognised the need for a new Disability Strategy and Action Plan not least to address new and developing challenges and opportunities. These include: åÊ • Obligations taken by the UK and NI in signing and ratifying the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; åÊ • New innovations and models of care, support and treatment available within health and social care; åÊ • The current demographic trends and financial constraints being faced by everyone. åÊ åÊ åÊ

Law and the practise of principle in diverse societies

Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom, entre 2007 i 2009. L’objecte principal del projecte ha estat analitzar les implicacions jurídico-polítiques i institucionals d’una teoria de la justícia i la igualtat liberals aplicada a societats multiculturals amb un marcat predomini de la diversitat cultural. L’anàlisi desenvolupa una línia d'investigació interdisciplinar - entre el dret i la teoria política - iniciada en una tesis doctoral sobre multiculturalisme i drets de les minories culturals (UPF, 2000) que va culminar en la publicació de Group Rights as Human Rights (Springer, 2006). La recerca adopta com a punt de partida les conclusions de l'esmentada obra, en especial, la rellevància del reconeixement de drets col•lectius; tanmateix, el tipus de qüestions plantejades, l’enfoc i la metodologia emprades són substancialment diferents. En concret, s'adrecen preguntes específiques sobre el model i aspiracions del constitucionalisme democràtic i el paper del dret en contextos multiculturals. També s’atorga un pes central a la dimensió institucional dels models de gestió de la diversitat que s’analitzen, prioritzant un enfocament comparatiu a partir de l’estudi de controvèrsies concretes. L’objectiu és superar algunes limitacions importants de la literatura actual, com ara la tendència a examinar en abstracte la compatibilitat de determinades demandes amb el constitucionalisme democràtic, sense abordar el funcionament d'estratègies de gestió de la diversitat cultural emprades en contextos concrets. Els treballs producte d'aquest projecte articulen les línies bàsiques d’un model pluralista, basat en principis més que en regles, que desafia els plantejaments dominants actualment. Aquest model es caracteritza pel compromís amb la legitimitat i igualtat comparatives, rebutjant el paternalisme i les visions liberals típiques sobre el paper de la regulació. La presumpció de l’“standing” moral dels grups identitaris és fonamental per tal de considerar-los interlocutors vàlids amb interessos genuïns. També s’argumenta que la integració social en contextos multiculturals no depèn tant de l’eliminació del conflicte sinó, sobre tot, d’una gestió eficient que eviti abusos de poder sistemàtics. El model defensa el rol del dret en la institucionalització del diàleg intercultural, però admet que el diàleg no necessàriament condueix a l’acord o a una estructura reguladora coherent i uniforme. Les aspiracions del ordre jurídic pluralista són més modestes: afavorir la negociació i resolució en cada conflicte, malgrat la persistència de la fragmentació i la provisionalitat dels acords. La manca d'un marc regulador comú esdevé una virtut en la mesura que permet la interacció de diferents subordres; una interacció governada per una multiplicitat de regles no necessàriament harmòniques. Els avantatges i problemes d’aquest model s'analitzen a partir de l'anàlisi de l’estructura fragmentària de l'ordre jurídic internacional i del règim Europeu de drets humans.