769 resultados para Commision paying


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This thesis examines the processes through which identity is acquired and the processes that Hollywood :films employ to facilitate audience identification in order to determine the extent to which individuality is possible within postmodem society. Opposing views of identity formation are considered: on the one hand, that of the Frankfurt School which envisions the mass audience controlled by the culture industry and on the other, that of John Fiske which places control in the hands of the individual. The thesis takes a mediating approach, conceding that while the mass media do provide and influence identity formation, individuals can and do decode a variety of meanings from the material made available to them in accordance with the text's use-value in relation to the individual's circumstances. The analysis conducted in this thesis operates on the assumption that audiences acquire identity components in exchange for paying to see a particular film. Reality Bites (Ben Stiller 1994) and Scream (Wes Craven 1996) are analyzed as examples of mainstream 1990s films whose material circumstances encourage audience identification and whose popularity suggest that audiences did indeed identify with them. The Royal Tenenbaums (Wes Anderson 2001) is considered for its art film sensibilities and is examined in order to determine to what extent this film can be considered a counter example. The analysis consists of a combination of textual analysis and reception study in an attempt to avoid the problems associated with each approach when employed alone. My interpretation of the filmmakers' and marketers' messages will be compared with online reviews posted by film viewers to determine how audiences received and made use of the material available to them. Viewer-posted reviews, both unsolicited and unrestricted, as found online, will be consulted and will represent a segment of the popular audience for the three films to be analyzed.

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In this thesis, I critically examine the discourses that inform how we conceptualise HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa as they are produced in a sample of Canadian news articles, two nonfiction texts - Stephanie Nolen's 28 Stories of AIDS in Africa and Jonathan Morgan and the Bambanani Women's Group's Long Life ... Positive HIV Stories - as well as two literary texts - John Le Carre's popular fiction novel The Constant Gardener and an anthology of stories and poems from Southern Africa titled Nobody Ever Said AIDS, compiled and edited by Nobantu Rasebotsa, Meg Samuelson and Kylie Thomas. Paying particular attention to the role of metaphor in discursive formation, I have found that military metaphors, usually used in conjunction with biomedical discourses, continue to dominate what is said about HIV/AIDS. However, the use of military metaphors to conceptualise HIV/AIDS contributes to stigma and limits the effectiveness of responses to the pandemic. I argue that accessing alternative metaphors and discourses, such as biopsychosocial discourse, can lead to a more layered - and more beneficial - conceptualisation of HIV/AIDS, encouraging a more active response to the pandemic.

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Introduction Man can be described as the being who shows himself in speech, and from birth to death is continually speaking. Communication is so close to us, so woven into our very being, that we have little understanding of the way it is constituted; for it is as hard to obtain distance from communication as it is to obtain distance from ourselves. All communication is not alike. There are two basic modesl of communication, the inauthentic and the authentic, between which there occurs a constant tension. It is in the inauthentic mode, points out Heidegger, that we find ourselves "proximately and for the most part"; 1. Being and Time, pg. 68 Dasein decides as to the way it will comport itself in taking up its task of having being as an issue for it. " •.• it~, in its very being 'choose' itself and win itself; it can also lose itself and never win itself or only "seem" to do so. But only in so far as it is essentially something which can be authentic--that is, something of its own--can it have lost itself and not yet won itself." 2. therefore Heidegger also terms it "everydayness".2 Caught up in the world of everydayness, our speaking covers over and conceals3 our rootedness in being, leaving us in the darkness of untruth. The image of darkness may be inferred from Heidegger's use of the image of "clearing,,4 to depict being as 2. ibid. pg. 69 "Dasein's average everydayness, however, is not to be taken as a mere 'aspect'. Here too, and even in the mode of inauthenticity, the structure of existentiality lies ~ priori and here too Dasein's being is an issue for it in a definite way; and Dasein comports itself towards it the mode of average everydayness, even if this is only the mode of fleeing in the face of it and forgetfulness thereof." 3. ibid. pg. 59 "covering over" and "concealing" are 1;yays Dasein tries to flee its task of having being as an issue for itself. " ••• This being can be covered up so extensively that it becomes forgotten and no question arises about it or its meaning ••• n How everyday speaking accomplishes this will be taken up in detail in the second chapter which explores Dasein's everyday speech. 4. ibid, pg. 171 lI ••• we have in mind nothing other than the Existential - ontological structure of this entity (Dasein), that it is in such a way as to be its 'there'. To say that it is -' illuminated' [tlerleuchtet"] means that as Being-in-theworld it is cleared [gelichtetJ in itself7 not through any other entity, but in such a way that it is itself the clearing. Only for an entity which is eXistentially cleared in this way does what is present-at-hand become accessible in the light or hidden in the dark •••• " 3 dis-coveredness and truth. Our first task will be to explore the nature of communication in general and then to explore each of the modes manifested in turn. The structure of the inauthentic mode of communication can be explored by asking the following questions: What is this speaking about? Who is it that is speaking and who is spoken to? Does this speaking show man in his speech? The authentic mode is distinguished by the rarity with which we encounter it; as the inauthentic conceals, so the authentic reveals our rootedness in being. Yet this rarity makes it difficult to delineate its elusive structure clearly. Its constituent elements can be brought into focus by asking the same questions of this mode that we previously asked of the inauthentic mode. Our initial response to the disclosure of the authentic mode is to attempt to abandon the inauthentic mode and leave the darkness behind dwelling only in the "lighted place". All through the ages, some men pushing this to extreme, have, upon uncovering their relatedness to being, experienced a deep longing to dwell in such a "place" of pure truth and oft times denigrated or attempted to exclude the everyday world. Such 4. flight is twice mistaken: first it atbempts to fix truth as unchanging and static and secondly, it opposes this to untruth which it seeks to abolish. This is both the wrong view of truth and the wrong view of untruth as Heidegger points out in The Origin of The-Work of Art: The Way-to-be of truth, i.e., of discoveredness, is under the sway of refusal. But this refusal is no lack or privation, as if truth could be simply discoveredness rid of all covers. If it could be that, it would no longer be itself . ••• Truth in its way-to-be is untruth.5 Pure light is not the nature of Being nor is pure unconcealedness possible for man. Failure to remember this is the failure to realize that communication destroys itself in such flight because it no longer maintains the contingency of its task, i.e., the dis-closedness of being. We are reminded of the strong attraction this flight from darkness held for Plato. Light, truth and Being are all beyond the darkness and have nothing to do with it. In Book VII of the R~public, Socrates' explanation of the Allegory of the Cave to Glaucon points to a decided preference men have for the "lighted place". 5. The Origin Of The Work Of Art, pg. 42 5. Come then, I said, and join me in this further thought, and do not be surprised that those who attained to this height are not willing to occupy themselves with the affairs of men, but their souls ever feel the upward urge and yearning for that sojourn above. For this, I take it, is likely if in this point too the likeliness of our image holds. 6 Despite the attraction to pure truth, human communication is more complex than putting down one mode of communication and picking up another. Due to the fact that we are always on the way, the title of my thesis will have to be amended: OUT OF THE DARKNESS AND INTO THE LIGHT--AGAIN AND AGAIN. It must be this way because this is what it means to be human. This is the point made by Mephisto to Faust in pointing out that man, standing between God and the devil, needs both darkness and light: Er findet sich in einem ewigen Gl~t Uns hat er in die Finsternis gebracht, Und euch taugt einzig Tag und Nacht. 7 6. Republic z (517 c & d) It should be noted however, that while the philosopherking must be compelled to return to the cave for purely political reasons, once he has taken adequate view of the "brightest region of being" he has the full truth and his return to darkness adds nothing to the truth. 7. Faust, pg. 188 6. This thesis proposes to examine the grounds that give rise to communication, uncovering the structure of its inauthentic and authentic modes and paying close attention to tpeir interrelationship and to their relationship to language as "the house of Being": language that both covers and opens up man's rootedness in Being, transforming him as he moves along his way, taking up his "ownmost task" of becoming who he is. roots. He is the being who shows himself inn that reflects his forgetfulness or remembrance of his rootedness in being. Man comes into an already existent world and is addressedl through things in the world which are c

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Full Title: Letters from the Secretary of War to the Committee of Ways and Means, in relation to the number of Militia called into the public service in 1813, to a provision for paying the bounties and premiums to soldiers lately authorized, and to the strength of the army March, 3, 1814. Read, and ordered to be printed. U.S. 13th Congress 2nd Session, 1813-1814. House.

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Benjamin Bates was a member of the Religious Society of Friends, and served as Clerk of the Society at the time that the Memorial and Petition was written.

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Benjamin Bates was a member of the Religious Society of Friends, and served as Clerk of the Society at the time that the Memorial and Petition was written.

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Letter (2 letters contained in one with a total of 2 pages) addressed to Henry Nelles. The first part is from Gilles Moffatt and he says that there is a balance of 277 pounds and 13 shillings in their favour. This is dated Jan. 10, 1831. The second part is addressed to Henry Nelles from R. Gillespie and it says that he intends to go to London district before paying Mr. Nelles a visit in Grimsby. The second page of this letter is stained and missing a section. Text is slightly affected, Jan. 29, 1831.

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Letter to Henry Nelles from James Ingersoll. Most of the writing is illegible, but he does mention turning a poor man off the premises without paying him. There is a note at the end of this letter (in different handwriting) to write to John Willson to provide an honest Scotch [Scottish] girl for Andrew Muir, about 9 or 10 years old(1 double-sided page, handwritten), April 1832.

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This paper proposes an explanation for why efficient reforms are not carried out when losers have the power to block their implementation, even though compensating them is feasible. We construct a signaling model with two-sided incomplete information in which a government faces the task of sequentially implementing two reforms by bargaining with interest groups. The organization of interest groups is endogenous. Compensations are distortionary and government types differ in the concern about distortions. We show that, when compensations are allowed to be informative about the government’s type, there is a bias against the payment of compensations and the implementation of reforms. This is because paying high compensations today provides incentives for some interest groups to organize and oppose subsequent reforms with the only purpose of receiving a transfer. By paying lower compensations, governments attempt to prevent such interest groups from organizing. However, this comes at the cost of reforms being blocked by interest groups with relatively high losses.

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We consider the problem of provisioon and cost-sharing of multiple public goods. the efficient equal factor equivalent allocation rule makes every agent indifferent between what he receives and the opportunity of choosing the bundle of public goods subject to the constraint of paying r times its cost, where r is set as low as possible.

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Section des étudiants / Student's section

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Le paysage sonore est une forme de perception de notre environnement qui nous permet d’identifier les composantes sonores de notre quotidien. Ce projet de recherche porte sur une thématique particulière, les sons produits par les végétaux et leurs rôles dans les ambiances sonores paysagères. C’est la perspective que nous avons explorée in situ, en comparant les différentes espèces végétales; cette collection d’informations nous permet de proposer une typologie d’ambiances sonores des végétaux. Dans la première partie, des notions rattachées au « monde sonore » telles que l’objet sonore, le paysage sonore et les effets sonores justifient d’établir, dans la méthodologie, une grille d’analyse comportant différentes échelles d’écoute. Une lecture multidisciplinaire propose, d’une part, de réunir de l’information sur le son et les végétaux, la morphologie de ces derniers, l’aménagement au site, les conditions climatiques et, d’autre part, de retrouver ce qui a trait au son dans l’histoire des jardins, dont les jardins sensoriels, thérapeutiques, technologiques, et des sentiers d’interprétation sonore, sous l’angle du son comme projet. De plus, une liste de végétaux recevant les chants et cris de la faune vient introduire la notion de biodiversité sonore. Une enquête sociale de terrain, par la méthode des parcours commentés, et une enquête « experte » ont été réalisées au Jardin botanique de Montréal. Ces deux enquêtes nous ont permis de constituer une grille d’analyse croisée comprenant plusieurs échelles d’écoute : textures, actions sonores, effets sonores... De là, des générateurs d’ambiance (morphologie, organisation, climat) ont été relevés pour déterminer les aspects de récurrences et de différenciations d’un type d’ambiance sonore à l’autre. Des associations se sont formées en fonction de onze types de végétaux, chacun comprenant plusieurs sous-catégories. Celles-ci proposent des ambiances sonores spécifiques, des échelles d’écoute à considérer pour chaque type d’ambiance et l’énumération d’espèces à utiliser. Cette recherche ouvre la voie à un autre type de lecture sonore, par thématique d’ambiance (les sons du végétal dans notre cas), afin d’offrir de nouveaux outils de conception pour les professionnels, en profonde relation avec les perceptions sonores d’usagers sur le terrain et l’agencement spécifique d’un site.

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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les façons dont la pensée et l’imaginaire grec de l’époque archaïque se représentaient quelques pans du réel qui ne se laissaient jamais voir ni atteindre: l’éther, l’air et l’abîme marin. Vu le caractère insondable de ces espaces, l’imagination et l’abstraction se sont ingéniées à les appréhender par un discours spécifique et à les intégrer dans le système de connaissances et de croyances propre à l’époque en leur assignant une place dans le système de l’univers, en les rattachant à une hiérarchie de l’ordre cosmologique, en leur donnant une forme, en classant leurs objets et en les rapportant aux modèles du monde connu, en les aménageant par les moyens les plus divers. Une étude des formes d’expression de la pensée grecque archaïque, autant littéraires qu’iconographiques, permet de cerner les diverses formes de représentation des domaines inaccessibles et les modèles d’organisation spatiale issus de ce type de pensée. Grâce à la dialectique particulière qui ressort du rapport entre espace et mouvement, cette thèse se propose également d’interroger le corpus des sources grecques archaïques sous des angles jusqu’ici peu explorés: comment maîtrise-t-on l’espace par les déplacements physiques en dehors des parcours terrestres? Comment les schémas du mouvement dans l’espace se sont-ils forgés? Comment les dichotomies issues de la logique spatiale archaïque (haut/bas, droite/gauche, est/ouest, en deça/au-delà, etc.) influent-elles sur la structuration spatiale? Quelles espèces d’espace révèlent les déplacements à travers les différents niveaux du monde, que ce soit ceux des dieux, ceux des mortels et d’autres entités, forces physiques et substances privilégiées dans le commerce avec le divin et le monde d’en haut? Ces analyses mettent en valeur les façons dont l’imagination et l’abstraction plutôt que l’expérience vécue ont contribué, à leur façon, à structurer l’espace et à forger l’image du monde comme κόσμος, monde mis en ordre et soumis autant aux lois physiques qu’aux lois divines.

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Abstract Discussions of conflict of interest (COI) in the university have tended to focus on financial interests in the context of medical research; much less attention has been given to COI in general or to the policies that seek to manage COI. Are university COI policies accessible and understandable? To whom are these policies addressed (faculty, staff, students)? Is COI clearly defined in these policies and are procedures laid out for avoiding or remedying such situations? To begin tackling these important ethical and governance questions, our study examines the COI policies at the Group of Thirteen (G13) leading Canadian research universities. Using automated readability analysis tools and an ethical content analysis, we begin the task of comparing the strengths and weaknesses of these documents, paying particular attention to their clarity, readability, and utility in explaining and managing COI.

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L’image qu’a la population du phénomène des gangs est fortement influencée par les médias. Les informations véhiculées par les journaux et par les canaux de nouvelles mettent généralement l’emphase sur les stéréotypes associés aux gangs et aux comportements de ces derniers. Ceci a pour conséquence de rehausser la crainte que développe la population à l’endroit des gangs de rue. Dans un contexte où le phénomène des gangs paraît devenu omniprésent dans nos quartiers, nos villes et représente une problématique en expansion dans plusieurs grandes villes du Québec et du Canada, une attention particulière portée au trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs de rue, reconnu par plusieurs comme la principale activité des gangs de rue, revêt sans nul doute un grand intérêt. Obtenir la description la plus précise possible, faite par des membres ou d’ex-membres de gangs de rue, à partir de leurs connaissances concernant le trafic de drogues étant donné leur appartenance et leur implication dans les activités d’un gang de rue et, le cas échéant, le trafic de drogues effectué par ce dernier, représente l’objectif principal de la présente étude. C’est par le biais d’entrevues avec les principaux concernés que le trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs est abordé. Au total, quinze entrevues semi-directives ont été réalisées auprès de membres et ex-membres de gangs de rue, tous – à une exception près - pris en charge au Centre jeunesse de Montréal-Institut universitaire. Globalement, il ressort de cette étude qu’en plus du trafic de stupéfiants, les gangs ou les membres de gangs s’adonneraient à une délinquance polymorphe, le trafic étant rarement l’unique source de revenus du gang ou du membre. De plus, le trafic de stupéfiants ne serait pas une activité exclusive aux gangs de rue auxquels appartiennent les membres interviewés. Ainsi, même si l’on retrouve un certain nombre de membres participant à la vente comme activité structurée d’un gang, il est possible pour un membre d’effectuer de la vente de drogues de façon indépendante, tout en étant affilié à un gang de rue. Il appert que la plupart des interviewés font partie d’une clique, s’identifient à une couleur ou à un quartier, et s’approvisionnent en drogues auprès de membres plus âgés et hauts placés dans la structure des gangs de rue, que les répondants identifient comme étant les vétérans. En ce qui les concerne, les répondants signalent l’importance de gagner la confiance des plus haut placés s’ils souhaitent débuter et évoluer dans la vente de stupéfiants. Lorsque la confiance est présente et que le nouveau vendeur débute ses activités, soit il s’approprie un territoire, généralement à l’intérieur de son quartier, soit on lui fournit un endroit de vente où il peut « travailler ». La présence d’un membre de la famille déjà affilié à un gang paraît faciliter le processus d’accès des nouveaux à l’activité de trafic. Lorsque les interviewés abordent l’aspect du territoire de vente, plusieurs dimensions viennent s’y greffer : la compétition, les conflits, les interactions avec les gangs ennemis et la violence, pour ne nommer que celles-là. Les interviewés indiquent vendre une certaine variété de drogues, le cannabis et le crack représentant les deux drogues les plus couramment citées. La marge de profits varierait, entre autres, en fonction du type de drogue vendue, du quartier et des caractéristiques de la clientèle. Cette dernière, malgré qu’elle soit diversifiée, comporte une constante : les consommateurs dépendants sont, comme plusieurs interviewés l’ont mentionné, prêts à tout pour assurer leur consommation. Les consommateurs sont ordinairement des étudiants, des propriétaires de commerces, des employés de bars, des travailleurs de la construction, des itinérants, des prostitués, des fêtards, des voyageurs de passage à Montréal. Les répondants dénotent également la présence de policiers, agents doubles, pouvant se présenter comme clients. Ceci étant, il leur apparaît essentiel de développer des habiletés permettant de détecter la présence policière et la distinguer des clients réguliers. Côté consommation, les interviewés affirment se limiter presqu’essentiellement à l’alcool et au cannabis. Néanmoins, plusieurs avouent avoir consommé une grande variété d’intoxicants au cours de leur vie. Plusieurs signalent qu’une trop grande consommation nuit à la vente de stupéfiants.