906 resultados para European Court of Human Rights


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This article presents a case study of the recent reform of the United Kingdom Equalities and Human Rights Commission, to address a critical gap in the literature on national human rights institutions (NHRIs) concerning the power of governments to exert control over these institutions through reform processes. Through this analysis, the article demonstrates, first, that NHRIs are affected by contextual factors not only related to the popularity of the human rights agenda but also to wider policy agendas which impact on their status and functions; and second, that attempts by government to exert more administrative control can be significantly problematic for the operational independence of NHRIs.

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At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).

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A widely diffused, engaged approach understands human rights as an opportunity to enhance moral progress. Less visible has a critical realm of research that reveals the often ambiguous social life of human rights discourses. This article draws on a specific case study from the intricate issue of how activism for Arab-Palestinian Bedouin citizens in Southern Israel engages with the global human rights discourse. It follows the implications of mobilization, focusing on events related to a campaign against house demolitions in informal,unrecognised settlements. The case shows how human rights discourses tend to silence the agency of political subjects, victimizing and patronizing those who seek emancipation. The ethnographic insights emphasize the role of a range of carnivalesque and spontaneous acts ofresistance, which subvert the patronizing implications of the human rights language.

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The barriers that people with disabilities face around the world are not only inherent to the limitations resulting from the disability itself, but, more importantly, these barriers rest with the societal technologies of exclusion. Using a mixed methodology approach, I conduct a quest to revealing several societal factors that limit full participation of people with disabilities in their communities, which will contribute to understanding and developing a more comprehensive framework for full inclusion of people with disabilities into the society. First, I conduct a multiple regression analysis to seek whether there is a statistical relationship between the national level of development, the level of democratization, and the level of education within a country’s population on one hand, and expressed concern for and preparedness to improve the quality of life for people of disabilities on another hand. The results from the quantitative methodology reveal that people without disabilities are more prepared to take care of people with disabilities when the level of development of the country is higher, when the people have more freedom of expression and hold the government accountable for its actions, and when the level of corruption is under control. However, a greater concern for the well-being of people with disabilities is correlated with a high level of country development, a decreased value of political stability and absence of violence, a decreased level of government effectiveness, and a greater level of law enforcement. None of the dependent variables are significantly correlated with the level of education from a given country. Then, I delve into an interpretive analysis to understand multiple factors that contribute to the construction of attitudes and practices towards people with disabilities. In doing this, I build upon the four main principles outlined by the United Nations as strongly recommended to be embedded in all international programmes: (1) identification of claims of human rights and the corresponding obligations of governments, hence, I assess and analyze disability rights in education, looking at United Nation, United States, and European Union Perspectives Educational Rights Provisions for People with Disabilities (Ch. 3); (2) estimated capacity of individuals to claim their rights and of governments to fulfill their obligations, hence, I look at the people with disabilities as rights-holders and duty-bearers and discuss the importance of investing in special capital in the context of global development (Ch. 4); (3) programmes monitor and evaluate the outcomes and the processes under the auspices of human rights standards, hence, I look at the importance of evaluating the UN World Programme of Action Concerning People with Disabilities from multiple perspectives, as an example of why and how to monitor and evaluate educational human rights outcomes and processes (Ch. 5); and (4) programming should reflect the recommendations of international human rights bodies and mechanisms, hence, I focus on programming that fosters development of the capacity of people with disabilities, that is, planning for an ecology of disabilities and ecoducation for people with disabilities (Ch. 6). Results from both methodologies converge to a certain point, and they further complement each other. One common result for the two methodologies employed is that disability is an evolving concept when viewed in a broader context, which integrates the four spaces that the ecological framework incorporates. Another common result is that factors such as economic, social, legal, political, and natural resources and contexts contribute to the health, education and employment opportunities, and to the overall well-being of people with disabilities. The ecological framework sees all these factors from a meta-systemic perspective, where bi-directional interactions are expected and desired, and also from a human rights point of view, where the inherent value of people is upheld at its highest standard.

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The question that I will explore in this research dissertation is whether one can defend the rights of homeland minorities as a progressive extension of the existing norms of human rights. This question calls for several deeper inquiries about the nature, the function and the underlying justifications for both human rights and minority rights. In particular, this research project will examine the following issues: on what normative grounds the available norms of human rights and minority rights are justified; if there is any methodic way to use the normative logic of human rights to support substantial forms of minority claims, such as the right to self-determination; whether human rights can take the form of group rights; and finally, whether there is any non-sectarian basis for justifying the minority norms, which can be acceptable from both liberal and non-liberal perspectives. This research project has some implications for both theories of minority rights and human rights. On the one hand, the research employs the topic of minority rights to shed light on deficiencies of the existing political theories of human rights. On the other hand, it uses the political theory to shed light on how existing theories of minority rights could be improved and amended. The inquiry will ultimately clarify how to judge the merit of the claim that minority rights are or should be a part of human rights norms.

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El problema que enfrenta la institucionalidad estatal argentina es que existe un serio déficit de información no solamente en el momento de evaluar un resultado, sino ya al momento de diseñar la política. Las estadísticas oficiales de hechos vitales, salud y educación son difundidas en el mejor de los casos con un año de atraso. La información de indicadores de salud por su nivel de desagregación no permite conocer las realidades locales. Es posible constatar la falta de información sobre las medidas tomadas para asegurar el cumplimiento de las obligaciones del Estado en lo relativo a políticas y programas de salud mental. Del mismo modo que los organismos internacionales determinan los deficits de los sistemas de atención a la salud mental a través de las brechas de tratamiento y aun cuando no se dispone de estimaciones precisas se habla de brechas de información, que expresarían la distancia entre la información necesaria y la efectivamente disponible (OPS, 2009). Desde el mes de diciembre de 2007 se conforma la Mesa de Trabajo Permanente en Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos, con el objeto de instalar en agenda la necesidad de contar con una legislación que brinde el marco normativo para la transformación del sector. En los meses de octubre y noviembre de 2010 se aprobaron sendas leyes de salud mental en la Provincia de Córdoba y a nivel nacional. Ambas proponen la transformación progresiva en los sistemas de atención a los problemas de salud mental de la población. Desde la Mesa de Trabajo Permanente en Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos se afirma que la legislación es un marco necesario pero no suficiente, en tanto se constata que las princiales violaciones a los derechos humanos se producen en situaciones concretas. El presente proyecto nace de la necesidad de contar con un sistema de información que permita conocer la transformación de los servicios de salud mental en la provincia de Córdoba a partir de la sanción de la ley 9848 de Salud Mental en el mes de octubre de 2010. Una vez logrado este objetivo legislativo, se pretende monitorear la gestión con la formulación de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿a través de qué indicadores medir, evaluar y monitorear si la producción de los servicios de salud mental se lleva adelante desde la perspectiva del enfoque de derechos sancionada en el marco normativo vigente?; ¿cuáles son los indicadores que desde dicha perspectiva los organismos estatales de producción de servicios deben elaborar para el compromiso de acción y la rendición de cuentas frente a la ciudadanía? ¿cuáles son los indicadores que la ciudadanía debe reclamar a los fines de monitorear el cumplimiento de dichos compromisos? La puesta en marcha del Observatorio de Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos permitirá analizar las políticas y programas de salud mental desde la perspectiva de los derechos humanos y avanzar en el monitoreo de la producción de los servicios de salud mental. Objetivo General: analizar y hacer visible el cumplimiento de los objetivos sancionados en la ley 9848 de Salud Mental a través de la observación, el monitoreo y la incidencia en las políticas de salud mental de la provincia de Córdoba. Metodología: la construcción de indicadores de derechos humanos para la salud mental. El Observatorio de Salud Mental y Derechos Humanos pretende dar cuenta de las transformaciones que van a ocurrir a partir de la sanción de la ley 9848. Los resultados esperados están ligados a la producción y difusión de información sistematizada sobre las transformaciones en salud mental, a la vigilancia y el análisis del efecto/impacto de las políticas e incidir en las decisiones. El Observatorio pretende reconocer e integrar la información disponible y proponer indicadores que den cuenta de la situación inicial al momento de la implementación de los marcos normativos y permitir el monitoreo de las transformaciones emergentes. This project stems from the need for an information system designed to show the transformation of mental health services in the province of Cordoba after the enactment of the Mental Health Act 9848 in October 2010. Once achieved this legislative objective is to monitor the management with the formulation of the following questions: through which indicators to measure, evaluate and monitor whether the production of mental health services are carried forward from the perspective of rights-based approach enacted in two laws?, What are the indicators from that perspective the production agencies should develop services for the commitment to action and accountability to the public? What are the indicators that the public should demand that the purpose of monitoring compliance with these commitments? The launch of the Centre for Mental Health and Human Rights will review the policies and mental health programs from the perspective of human rights and progress in monitoring the production of mental health services. General Objective: to analyze and highlight the achievement of the objectives sanctioned by the Mental Health Act 9848 through the observation, monitoring and impact on mental health policy in the province of Cordoba. Methodology: building human rights indicators for mental health Mental Observatory Health and Human Rights aims to account for the changes that will occur after the enactment of Law 9848. The expected results are linked to production and dissemination of systematic information about changes in mental health, surveillance and analysis of the effect / impact and influence policy decisions. The Centre aims to recognize and integrate the available information and propose indicators that account for the initial situation at the time of implementation of regulatory frameworks and allow monitoring of change emerging.

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The present work contains a general overview of the sentences of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), which have recognised that crimes against humanity are pre-existing in customary law, and do not prescribe, nor can they be subject to amnesty or pardon. Specific attention is paid to the consequent restrictions and opportunities offered by said verdicts to countries such as Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Peru, which find themselves in postconflict transition processes and where peace has been negotiated with certain groups and state structures that are responsible for carrying out crimes against humanity. In doing so, special attention is paid to the impact of the recognition of the nature of crimes against humanity on the notion of the principle of legality, stricto sensu; on the development and evolution of the doctrine and the practice of international human rights law in the inter-American context; and finally on the aforementioned processes of transitional justice.

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Conflicts over human rights in relations between East Asia and the West have increased since the end of the Cold War. Western governments express concern about human rights standards in East Asian countries. In the East, these expressions have been perceived as interference in internal affairs. Due to dramatic economic development, East Asian nations recently have gained in pride and self-confidence as global actors. Such development is observed with suspicion in the West. Concerned about the decline of global U.S. influence, some American scholars have re-invented the notion of "culture" to point at an alleged East Asian threat. Also East Asian statesmen use the cultural argument by claiming the existence of so-called 'Asian values', which they allege are the key to Eastern economic success. This thesis argues that issues of human rights in East-West relations are not only a consequence of well-intended concern by Western governments regarding the human rights and welfare of the citizens of East Asian nations, but are in fact dominated by and used as a pawn in interplay with more complicated questions of global power and economic relations between East and West. The thesis reviews the relevance of culture in East-West relations. In the West, particularly Samuel P. Huntington with his prediction of the Clash of Civilizations stands out. Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew has been very vocal on the Eastern side. Whereas the West tries to cope with its decrease of global influence, after hundreds of years under Western hegemonism, the East believes in an Asian way of development without interference form the West. Most of this dispute revolves around the issue of human rights. The West claims the universality of rights which in fact emphasizes political and civil rights. Western countries critizise poor human rights standards in East Asia. The East, in return, accuses the West of hypocritical policies that seek global dominance. East Asian governments assert that due to a different stage of development they have to stress first their rights to development in order to assure stability. In particular, China argues this way. The country's leadership, however, shows concern about human rights and has already improved its human rights record over the past years. This thesis analyses the dispute over human rights in a case study on Germany and China. Both countries have a mutual interest in trade relations which has conflicted with Germany's criticism of China's problematic human rights record. In 1996, the two countries clashed after the German parliament passed a resolution condemning China's treatment of Tibet. This caused a lot of damage to the Chinese-German relationship which in the course of the year went back to normality. In the light of these frictions a German human rights policy that focuses on unspectacular grass-roots support of China, for example in strengthening China's legal system, would be preferable. Such co-operation must be based on mutual respect.

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This paper examines the equity market response to firms’ disclosure of human rights violation risk with regard to conflict mineral usage as required by Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act (the Act). This paper assesses the aggregate equity market response to regulatory events leading to the passage of the Act, the equity market reaction to voluntary early disclosures and mandatory disclosures of conflict mineral information in Form SD, as well as the determinants of the equity market response. Using a sample of 4,399 US registrants from January 1, 2008 to September 30, 2014, we document a significant negative stock market reaction to the passage of the Act and to conflict minerals disclosures on Form SD. The equity market reaction is more negative and limited to companies that source their minerals from conflict zones, companies with human rights violations, and companies with ambiguous disclosures. Taken together, the results of this study provide an economic justification for companies with poor conflict minerals practices to improve in order to avoid high costs that will arise if firms are forced to disclose human rights abuses. This paper also provides preliminary evidence that Form SD is successful in reducing the governance gap that exposes investors to unnecessary sanction, litigation and reputation risk from firms’ activities in conflict minerals usage.

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Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.

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Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar, la incidencia que tienen actualmente las ONG s internacionales sobre la toma de decisiones de los gobiernos de diferentes Estados. Con el fin de hacer más específico dicho análisis, el trabajo se centra en el estudio del caso de la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Estados Unidos cuyo proceso, según se explica a lo largo del texto, se vio afectado de manera significativa por la acción de Human Rights Watch. El artículo presenta una exposición de la mecánica política requerida para la aprobación de este tipo de tratados en ambos países involucrados, así como la forma en que las asimetrías de poder entre ellos abrieron el campo a la acción de Human Rights Watch.