Lernende Organisationen - die Nachrichtendienste

Herausgeberwerk (Litzcke & Schuh): 1. Modewellen des Managements 2. Wohin die Reise geht - Folgen des Wertewandels für die Führungskräfteentwicklung 3. Umgang mit Veränderungen - Psychologie für ein erfolgreiches Changemanagement 4. Weiterentwicklung des öffentlichen Dienstes durch Evaluation 5. Qualiätsmanagement im Bundesnachrichtendienst 6. Unternehmen BfV - Realität oder Trugschluss?

Handling the transfer of power: a note on the 1964 origins of the Douglas‐Home rules

Opposition is rarely a good preparation for government. The only post‐war government to enter office confident, well‐acquainted with the Civil Service and with a fund of administrative experience to draw on was the Attlee administration formed in 1945. The longer a party spends in opposition the more these assets disappear. Labour, by the end of the long period of Conservative rule in 1951–64, was largely unfamiliar with the burdens of office. This formed the background to the formulation of the Douglas‐Home rules, whereby informal contact is permitted between the Civil Service and the Opposition in advance of a general election. Since 1964 this arrangement has gradually become more extensive (especially after Neil Kinnock complained that the period for contact was too brief during the run‐up to the 1992 election) and more formalised. In late 1993 John Major agreed that contacts could be made from early 1996 in advance of the next election, rather than only during the last six months of a parliament, as had by then become the convention.’ The object of this short paper is, however, to explain how these rules originated.

Managing the core executive

In the build up to general elections there is invariably a wealth of discourse on constitutional and transitional issues and even on the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the civil service, but rarely is there any debate on the manner in which politicians manage the government machine. This article seeks to address this deficiency. It examines the operational factors common to the core executive, assesses the problems usually associated with the government as an organization and reviews alternative solutions. Finally, it offers managerially oriented advice, reasoning that it is the role of policy analysts to prescribe and that it is irresponsible to ignore this function. it is clearly emphasized that management solutions are not synonymous with business solutions. The article draws on universal principles of management, seeking to avoid normative suggestions and concentrating instead on practical considerations. Those considerations include personnel selection, collective responsibility, leadership style, organizational structure and team mentality. The conclusion is that strong managerially based leadership should not be dismissed as incompatible with the political constraints placed upon Prime Ministers but rather it should e the predominant impulse.

Departmental Select Committees

The idea of departmental select committees in the House of Commons was floated as long ago as the Haldane Report in 1918 and periodically mooted by figures from both left and right as varied as Amery and Laski in the inter‐war years. It was raised again during the wartime investigations of the Machinery of Government committee, only to be shot down by the then Cabinet Secretary, Sir Edward Bridges, on the grounds that it would constrain the frankness with which the Civil Service could advise ministers. Departmental select committees were not to be introduced until 1979. Ten years ago the Institute of Contemporary British History organised a symposium to review their progress. On 31 January 1996 in committee room 10 at the House of Commons the ICBH, in conjunction with the Hansard Society, held another seminar to re‐examine the development of the departmental select committee system, its successes and failings. It was chaired by George Cunningham (Labour MP 1970–82, SDP MP 1982–83). The principal participants were Sir Peter Kemp (Deputy Secretary, Treasury 1983–88, Next Steps Project Manager, Cabinet Office, 1988–92), Douglas Millar (Clerk of Select Committees, House of Commons since 1994), Dr Ann Robinson (author of Parliament and Public Spending, head of the policy unit at the Institute of Directors [IOD], 1989–95 and Director‐General of the National Association of Pension Funds Ltd since 1995), Robert Sheldon (Labour MP since 1964, Financial Secretary to the Treasury 1974–75, member of the Public Accounts Committee [PAC] 1965–70 and 1975–79 and chairman since 1983, member, Public Expenditure Committee 1972–74, and member of the Treasury and Civil Service Committee [TCSC] 1979–81) and Sandy Walkington (head of corporate affairs at BT [British Telecom] plc), with further contributions from Peter Riddell (assistant editor: politics, The Times, since 1993), Chloe Miller, Sean McDougall, Tim King and Chris Stevens.

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

Ethics in government and business

Canadians appear to hold the activities of those in government and in big business in low esteem. Media reports of several high-profile political and corporate instances of unethical conduct have reinforced the public's concern for the status of ethical conduct and honesty in government and in big business. The response by public and private sector managers to unethical conduct by employees is largely in the form of 'ethical rules' which both sectors agree provide a measure of certainty as to the ethical conduct expected from employees. Since research on ethics in the public and private sectors is limited and since ethics is a topic of increasing concern to both sectors, this thesis provides data that could assist managers in dealing with the issue of ethical conduct within their respective organizations. The purpose of this thesis is to compare the state of ethical conduct within public and private sector organizations in Canada. This is accomplished through a description and analysis of the approaches taken by the public and private sectors as well as the four professions of law, engineering, accountancy and medicine. Ethical conduct within the public sector focuses on the ethical behaviour of public servants rather than elected officials. The underlying intent of this thesis is to discover if contemporary ethical problems are similar in the public and iv private sectors with respect to the four ethical areas of conflict of interest, political activity, problem public comment and confidentiality. The comparative data on both public and private sector ethics are assessed and similarities and differences are identified. One major finding emerges from this study. Codes of ethics in both the public and private sectors are perceived by management to play an important role in the prevention of unethical conduct. A procedure for developing a code of ethics is presented along with recommendations as to the administration of a code of ethics. Finally, recommendations are made as to the role of education in ethics.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

La décentralisation au Niger : le cas de la mobilisation des ressources financières dans la ville de Niamey

La décentralisation implantée en 2004 au Niger, a pour objectif de promouvoir le développement « par le bas » et de diffuser les principes démocratiques dans les milieux locaux, afin d’améliorer les conditions de vie des populations. Les recherches sur le sujet font état d’un écart considérable entre les objectifs et les réalisations de la décentralisation. Les facteurs avancés pour expliquer cet écart sont entre autres, le faible appui technique et financier de l’État envers les collectivités territoriales ou encore la quasi-inexistence d’une fonction publique locale qualifiée et apte à prendre en charge les projets de décentralisation. Toutefois, ces observations s’avèrent insuffisantes pour rendre compte des difficultés rencontrées par les acteurs de la décentralisation au Niger. Nous affirmons que les partis politiques jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décentralisations. Ceux-ci diffusent des stratégies d’influence politique et de patronage dans les arènes locales. Les stratégies des partis politiques entravent les initiatives des acteurs locaux, notamment leur capacité de mobilisation des ressources financières.

Personnel Practices in Japanese Government

This paper examines key aspects of Japanese Government personnel practices, and draws comparisons with the practices in the U.S. civil service and, as appropriate, with other U.S. models. Particular reference is made to the practices of two major agencies in Japan, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) and the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications (MPT). As appropriate, selected government businesses practices other than personnel practices are noted.

Servidores públicos del estado con especial protección constitucional. Políticas de prevención del daño antijurídico en relación con su retiro del servicio

El retiro del servicio de los empleados públicos aparece como una facultad reglada en las normas del empleo público que, cuando se da alguna de las hipótesis legales que lo hacen procedente, facultan al nominador para ejercer sus atribuciones legales, persiguiendo, ante todo, razones del servicio: su mejora, renovación, eficiencia y moralidad, entre otras. A partir del concepto de una buena administración del Estado, establecer la procedencia y elementos estructurales de una política de prevención del daño antijurídico en relación con el retiro del servicio de servidores públicos que, conforme al ordenamiento jurídico gozan de una especial protección constitucional. Conocer el concepto, el alcance, la regulación y desarrollo jurisprudencial de esta trascendental atribución para el servicio público, resulta indispensable para la debida aplicación del derecho, del ejercicio de las atribuciones públicas por parte de la Administración, y para la prevención del daño antijurídico.

Servidores públicos del Estado con especial protección constitucional: políticas de prevención del daño antijurídico en relación con su retiro del servicio

El retiro del servicio de los empleados públicos aparece como una facultad reglada en las normas del empleo público que, cuando se da alguna de las hipótesis legales que lo hacen procedente, facultan al nominador para ejercer sus atribuciones legales, persiguiendo, ante todo, razones del servicio: su mejora, renovación, eficiencia y moralidad, entre otras. El problema jurídico a resolver con el presente trabajo se plantea a partir del concepto de una buena administración del Estado, establecer la procedencia y elementos estructurales de una política para la prevención del daño antijurídico por el retiro del servicio de servidores públicos que, conforme al ordenamiento jurídico, gozan de una especial protección constitucional o legal. Conocer el concepto, el alcance, la regulación y desarrollo jurisprudencial de esta trascendental atribución para el servicio público, resulta indispensable para la debida aplicación del derecho, del ejercicio de las atribuciones públicas por parte de la Administración, y para la prevención del daño antijurídico.

Perfil competencial de los responsables de direcci??n en el Ayuntamiento de Palma

Este art??culo presenta los resultados de un estudio realizado entre los funcionarios del Ayuntamiento de Palma de Mallorca. Tiene por objeto conocer las caracter??sticas de los cargos de direcci??n, as?? como de los mandos intermedios en una administraci??n p??blica local de grandes dimensiones, y obtener grupos homog??neos de profesionales con responsabilidades de direcci??n a partir de las competencias autoevaluadas. Para ello se ha realizado un estudio transversal descriptivo, basado en encuesta autoadministrada. Se seleccionaron las 126 personas que cumpl??an las condiciones de tener responsabilidades de direcci??n. Se analiza un amplio conjunto de variables centradas en las competencias profesionales y se realizan an??lisis descriptivos diversos, entre ellos un an??lisis factorial de las competencias autoevaluadas, preparatorios del an??lisis de clusters no jer??rquicos. Los resultados indican la existencia de tres clusters diferentes y consistentes atendiendo al g??nero, edad y procedimiento de acceso a la funci??n directiva.

Mapping evidence gaps in anti-corruption: assessing the state of the operationally relevant evidence on donors' actions and approaches to reducing corruption

This paper charts the current evidence on effectiveness of different anti-corruption reforms, and identifies significant evidence gaps. Despite a substantial amount of literature on corruption, this review found very few studies focusing on anti-corruption reforms, and even fewer that credibly assess issues of effectiveness and impact. The evidence was strong for only two types of interventions: public financial management (PFM) reforms and supreme audit institutions (SAIs). For PFM, the evidence in general showed positive results, whereas the effectiveness was mixed for SAIs. No strong evidence indicates that any of the interventions pursued have been ineffective, but there is fair evidence that anti-corruption authorities, civil service reforms and the use of corruption conditionality in aid allocation decisions in general have not been effective. The paper advocates more operationally-relevant research and rigorous evaluations to build up the missing evidence base, particularly in conflict-afflicted states, in regards to the private sector, and on the interactions and interdependencies between different anti-corruption interventions.

Princípio republicano, cargo em comissão e clientelismo político nos municípios do estado do Rio de Janeiro: reflexões sobre a profissionalização da função pública no Brasil

A origem do comportamento orientado para a conquista de cargos públicos no Brasil remonta à formação dos primeiros povoados e vilas durante o período colonial. O nepotismo e o clientelismo político perpassam toda a história do País. Tendo como fio condutor o princípio republicano, buscou-se verificar até que ponto são os cargos em comissão utilizados no âmbito dos Municípios do Estado do Rio de Janeiro como estratégia para manter e atualizar práticas clientelísticas como o empreguismo e o nepotismo. A utilização de métodos e técnicas de análise documental e de conteúdo, em dispositivos legais produzidos pelos municípios estudados e em Relatórios de Inspeções Ordinárias neles realizadas pelo Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, permitiu não só o proceder de uma análise qualitativa como o uso de técnicas quantitativas e representações gráficas dos achados, possibilitando uma leitura mais amena àqueles que têm pouco contato com a matéria. Essa complementaridade de métodos permitiu depreender que as ações empreendidas pelos gestores públicos, no que tange à utilização da livre nomeação, encontram-se na contramão da prática da cidadania, do igualitarismo, do respeito ao servir público. A pesquisa atestou que a quase totalidade dos municípios estudados se utiliza dos cargos em comissão de forma totalmente avessa à prevista constitucionalmente, servindo tais cargos, na verdade, para dar ingresso no serviço público a pessoas das relações do administrador, não para assessorá-lo, mas para aumentar renda familiar, cumprir compromissos de campanha e, até mesmo, para, em troca de votos, exercerem funções que por suas características deveriam ser oferecidas em concurso a toda sociedade. O estudo sugere, ao fim, um conjunto de medidas, baseadas em critérios fundamentados em princípios científicos de gestão, visando à valorização do servidor público, à redução do grau de politização da direção da administração pública e da apropriação patrimonialista dos postos de trabalho, à aceleração da profissionalização das funções públicas e a restringir o livre provimento de cargos em comissão, bem como a impingir sanções, por improbidade administrativa, aos que as desrespeitarem. Em que pese à importância de medidas preventivas, orientadas para o desenvolvimento de uma postura no sentido de um autêntico servir público, a tendência à permissividade precisa ser urgentemente afastada.