Beyond the Bauhaus : Cultural Modernity in Breslau, 1918-1933 /

The Breslau arts scene during the Weimar period was one of the most vibrant in all of Germany, yet it has disappeared from memory and historiography. Breslau was a key center for innovative artistic production during the Weimar Republic; recovery of its history will shed new light on German cultural dynamics in the 1920s. Such a study has art historical significance because of the incredible extent of innovation that occurred in almost every intellectual field, advances that formed the basis for aesthetic modernism internationally and continue to affect the course of visual art and architecture today. Architecture education, just one example in many, is still largely based on a combination of the Bauhaus model from the 1920s and the model developed at the Breslau Academy of Fine and Applied Art. The exploratory attitude encouraged in Weimar era arts endeavors, as opposed to the conformism of academic art, is still a core value promoted in contemporary art and architecture circles. Given the long-lasting influence of Weimar culture on modernism one would expect to find a spate of studies examining every aspect of its cultural production, but this is not the case. Recent scholarship is almost exclusively focused on Berlin and the Dessau Bauhaus. Although both interests are understandable, the creative explosion was not confined to these cities but was part of a larger cultural ethos that extended into many of the smaller regional centers. The Expressionist associations the Blaue Reiter in Munich and Brücke in Dresden are two well-known examples. Equally, innovation was not confined to a few monumental projects like the Stuttgart Weissenhofsiedlung but part of a broader national cultural ethos. The dispersion of modernism occurred partly because of the political history of Germany as a loosely joined confederation of small city states and principalities that had strong individual cultural identities before unification in 1871 but also because of the German propensity to value and take intense pride in the Heimat, understood both as the hometown and the region. Heimatliebe translated into generous support for cultural institutions in outlying cities. Host to a roster of internationally acclaimed artists and architects, major collectors, arts organizations, museums, presses, galleries, and one of the premier German arts academies of the day, Breslau boasted a thriving modern arts scene until 1933 when the Nazis began their assault on so-called "degenerate" art. This book charts the cultural production of Breslau-based artists, architects, art collectors, urban designers, and arts educators, who were especially interesting because they operated in the space between the margins of Weimar-era cultural debates. Rather than accepting the radical position of the German avant-garde or the reactionary position of German conservatives, many Breslauers sought a middle ground. It is the first book in English to address this history and presents the history in a manner unique to any studies currently on the market. 'Beyond the Bauhaus' explores the polyvalent and contradictory nature of cultural production in Breslau in order to expand the cultural and geographic scope of Weimar history; the book asserts a reciprocal dimension to the relationship between regional culture and national culture, between centers like Breslau and the capital Berlin. With major international figures like the painters Otto Mueller and Oskar Moll, architects Hans Scharoun and Adolf Rading, urban planners Max Berg and Ernst May, collectors Ismar Littmann and Max Silberberg, and an art academy that by 1929 was considered the best in Germany, Breslau clearly had significance to narratives of Weimar cultural production. 'Beyond the Bauhaus' contributes the history of German culture during the Weimar Republic. It belongs alongside histories of art, architecture, urban design, exhibition, collecting, and culture; histories of the Bauhaus; histories of arts education more broadly; and German history. The readership would include those interested in German history; German art, architecture, urban design, planning, collecting, and exhibition history; in the avant-garde; the development of arts academies and arts pedagogy; and the history of Breslau and Silesia.

Struggling for Educational Autonomy: The Significance of Schooling in New Mexico's Transition to Statehood

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

A Reportagem na tv: Caco Barcellos: um repórter e a injustiça social

Destacar a importância da reportagem investigativa, e mostrar o valor que deve ser observado no empenho da atuação profissional ética de um repórter de televisão, capaz de mudar o rumo da história política recente do Brasil, é o que se propõe o presente trabalho. A prática do jornalismo autêntico demonstra ser transformadora. É o que acontece com a atuação do repórter Caco Barcellos. Ele se propôs a perseguir uma história por mais de um ano e, ao final, mostrar uma verdade escondida durante 30 anos pelo poder público. Com tal reportagem, possibilitou a reparação de uma injustiça social cometida contra uma jovem estudante brasileira. A força da reportagem apresentada num telejornal é incontestável, em razão do potencial que representa a televisão na penetração em todas as camadas da sociedade como veículo de informação. Sendo a reportagem apresentada em série de três dias consecutivos pelo Jornal Nacional, eleva seu peso significativamente, devido à liderança de audiência do telejornal da Rede Globo. O investimento da emissora numa reportagem como a apresentada neste trabalho depende fundamentalmente da presença de um repórter profundamente identificado com a luta contra a injustiça social. E é este o perfil de Caco Barcellos. Ele cresceu na periferia pobre de uma metrópole, e desde muito cedo se revoltou contra a ação policial que discrimina o cidadão comum e privilegia os poderosos. Conseguiu transformar a raiva acumulada em ações efetivas através da reportagem investigativa reveladora da injustiça social cometida diariamente. Quando o espaço era pequeno para o tamanho do que tinha para reportar, Caco lançou livros, ganhou prêmios e enfrentou processos judiciais, movidos por policiais interessados em destruir a vida profissional do repórter que ousou trabalhar sério e encontrar os documentos que provavam os desmandos praticados contra inocentes, friamente assassinados. O resultado é uma atuação exemplar, com um método de trabalho digno de ser seguido, refletindo-se na série de reportagens que desmontou uma farsa montada pelo exército, e que pode ser considerada como uma verdadeira aula de jornalismo.

Brain and mind in the 'long' eighteenth century

How should the 'long' eighteenth century be defined? January 1, 1700 and December 31, 1799 are quite arbitrary dates. Why should they be chosen to segment our history rather than more significant periods of time, periods which have a coherent content, or are marked, perhaps, by the working out of a theme? Students of English literature sometimes take the long eighteenth century to extend from John Milton (Paradise Lost, 1667) to the passing of the first generation of Romantics (Keats (d. 1821), Shelley (d. 1822), Byron (d. 1824), Coleridge (d. 1834)). Students of British political history often take it to start with the accession of Charles II (the Restoration) in 1660 or, alternatively, the so-called Glorious Revolution of 1688 and to end with the great Reform Act of 1832. Others might choose different book ends. In the history of science and philosophy the terminus a quo is sometimes taken as the publication of Descartes' scientific philosophy or, in more Anglophone zones, the 1687 publication of Newton's Principia with its vision of a 'clockwork universe'. 'Nature and Nature's laws' as Alexander Pope enthused, 'lay hid in Night: God said, Let Newton be! and all was light!'.

The Ecumenical movement and the making of the European Community

The European Community has largely been considered a predominantly secular project, bringing together the economic and political realms, while failing to mobilise the public voice and imagination of churchmen and the faithful. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources, this is the first study to assess the political history of religious dialogue in the European Community. It challenges the widespread perception that churches started to engage with European institutions only after the 1979 elections to the European Parliament, by detailing close relations between churchmen and high-ranking officials in European institutions, immediately after the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Lucian N. Leustean demonstrates that Cold War divisions between East and West, and the very nature of the ecumenical movement, had a direct impact on the ways in which churches approached the European Community. He brings to light events and issues which have not previously been examined, such as the response of churches to the Schuman Plan, and the political mobilisation of church representations in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg. Leustean argues that the concept of a 'united Europe' has been impeded by competing national differences between religious and political institutions, having a long-standing legacy on the making of a fragmented European Community.

Marxists into Muslims: The Iranian irony

This dissertation examines the influence of Islamic ideology on Iranian Marxists during the 1979 revolution. The purpose of this study is to extricate the influence of Islamic culture, ideology, and terminology on Marxist organizations and on individuals who identified themselves as Marxists in Iran. This is especially of interest since in many ways Marxism and Islam are ideologically in conflict. Were Marxists aware of the influences of Islam in their behavior and ideology? To investigate the irony publications put forth by several Marxist organizations before and after the 1979 revolution were examined. A history of such influence both ideologically and contextually is depicted to demonstrate their political and cultural significance. Through the study of Marxist political organs, theoretical publication and political flyers distributed during and after the revolution, the phenomenon of Marxists converting to an Islamic ideology became clearer. Many Marxist organizations were demonstrably utilizing Islamic political ideology to organize and mobilize masses of Iranians. This study shows a historical precedence of Marxists’ usage of Islam in the political history of Iran dating back to early twentieth-century. Primary and secondary Marxist literature showed that Islam was an inescapable social and political reality for Iranian Marxists. Not only was there a common upbringing but a common enemy fostered provisional collusion between the two. The internalizing the idea of martyrdom—of Shi’a Islam—was a shared belied that united Marxists with Muslins in their attempt to effect sociopolitical change in Iran. Studying Marxist publications shows evidence that many Iranian Marxists were not conscious of using Islamic ethics and terminology since Islamic beliefs are part of the taken-for-granted world of Iranian culture. This contextual belief system, pervasive within the culture and a change of political ideology is what created the conditions for the possibility of Marxists becoming Muslims.

The creation of Huey P. Newton

The purpose of this study was to examine the creation of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966. I argued that Huey P. Newton was a creation of several elements: the black ghetto of Oakland; the rise of Black Power and the death of non-violence in the civil rights movement; the New Left and its factions; and, the Black Panther Party through the "Free Huey" campaign. The "Free Huey" campaign that arose from Newton's imprisonment in 1968, constructed an iconic image of Newton that he inherited on his release in 1970. This study will contextualize Newton and refute the claims of Hugh Pearson, author of the 1994, The Shadow of the Panther, who deemed Newton as a common criminal, not worthy of historical debate.

Marxists into Muslims: An Iranian Irony

This dissertation examines the influence of Islamic ideology on Iranian Marxists during the 1979 revolution. The purpose of this study is to extricate the influence of Islamic culture, ideology, and terminology on Marxist organizations and on individuals who identified themselves as Marxists in Iran. This is especially of interest since in many ways Marxism and Islam are ideologically in conflict. Were Marxists aware of the influences of Islam in their behavior and ideology? To investigate the irony publications put forth by several Marxist organizations before and after the 1979 revolution were examined. A history of such influence both ideologically and contextually is depicted to demonstrate their political and cultural significance. Through the study of Marxist political organs, theoretical publication and political flyers distributed during and after the revolution, the phenomenon of Marxists converting to an Islamic ideology became clearer. Many Marxist organizations were demonstrably utilizing Islamic political ideology to organize and mobilize masses of Iranians. This study shows a historical precedence of Marxists’ usage of Islam in the political history of Iran dating back to early twentieth-century. Primary and secondary Marxist literature showed that Islam was an inescapable social and political reality for Iranian Marxists. Not only was there a common upbringing but a common enemy fostered provisional collusion between the two. The internalizing the idea of martyrdom—of Shi’a Islam—was a shared belied that united Marxists with Muslins in their attempt to effect sociopolitical change in Iran. Studying Marxist publications shows evidence that many Iranian Marxists were not conscious of using Islamic ethics and terminology since Islamic beliefs are part of the taken-for-granted world of Iranian culture. This contextual belief system, pervasive within the culture and a change of political ideology is what created the conditions for the possibility of Marxists becoming Muslims.

Entre a cruz e a espada, a foice e o martelo: a representação do anticomunismo no Rio Grande do Norte

The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.

Deconstrucción de los relatos evangélicos de la pasión. Sobre el arraigo de la ficción en la Historia de las religiones

Las más elementales exigencias de rigor crítico e independencia siguen a menudo sin cumplirse hoy en día en la reconstrucción histórica de la figura del judío Yeshua ben Yosef (Jesús el galileo), en parte porque el carácter inconsistente de las fuentes evangélicas no es tomado en serio. El presente artículo analiza las incongruencias de los relatos de la pasión, muestra en ellos los indicios de un proceso de despolitización, y señala el carácter insostenible de varias afirmaciones clave de muchos historiadores contemporáneos sobre el predicador galileo.

Medborgarmönstringen inom högern 1915–1936 : En begreppshistorisk och diskursorienterad undersökning av medborgarbegreppets utbredning, mening och funktion inom Allmänna valmansförbundet

During the 1920s and 1930s, the Swedish right-wing party Allmänna valmansförbundet (AVF) made citizen into a key concept within their political vocabulary and practice. This thesis examines the distribution, meaning and function of the concept of citizen within the AVF between 1915 and 1936. By using theoretical and methodological perspectives from both the English (Skinner) and German (Koselleck) side of conceptual history vis-à-vis Begriffsgeschischte, this study illuminates how a discursive framework took place within the AVF and expanded throughout the organisation. The constitutional reforms 1918/1921 and the organisational strength from opposite parties, stressed the importance for the AVF to assemble the citizens around conservative value laden concepts: responsibility, ansvar, and public participation, offentlighet. This new situation in political and social life, pushed the AVF towards a reorganisation. The aim was to educate the masses, women and youth into conservative citizens. Citizen became the sole tool in (i) upholding the traditional heritage between folk–state, and (ii) enabling the AVF citizen discourse to spread throughout the society. This study shows the multiple meaning and functions of the citizen concept within the AVF.  It provides a new understanding of how collective concepts became an important part of the struggle for power during the democratization process in Swedish political history and must in that respect be seen as an antithesis to the collective concepts of the Social Democratic Party during this period.  

Polityka oświatowa i edukacyjna jako element polityki historycznej (1989-2014). Dynamika zmian treści dotyczącej Polski Ludowej

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa