925 resultados para Gneat, Treaty of, 1814.


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Iz knigi Mīrovai︠a︡ voĭna / K. Gelʹferikha -- Ėkonomicheskoe polozhenīe Germanīi -- Versalʹskīĭ mir i bolʹshevizm.

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With the ratification in Latin by Francis I, dated Venice, December 17, 1815.

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The final vol. published also as Publication 2724 and Conference series, 92, under title: The Treaty of Versailles and after, annotations of the text of the treaty.

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Pouco mais de meio século depois da descoberta do Novo Mundo, em plena Conquista espanhola, ocorreria em Valladolid, nos anos de 1550 e 1551, um evento sem precedentes: um debate público protagonizado por duas notáveis personagens, a saber: o Frei dominicano Bartolomé de Las Casas e Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda. Este debate ficou conhecido na História como a Controvérsia de Valladolid, e teve, como principal objetivo, discutir o modo como deveriam ser tratados os índios do Novo Mundo, quais eram os seus direitos e as suas atribuições. Esta tese discute o contexto em que se deu essa controvérsia, suas personagens e, é claro, ela própria, em seus argumentos, modo de exposição e estrutura constitutiva.(AU)

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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar el primer tropiezo histórico de las tropas de Napoleón Bonaparte, en Santo Domingo, y los paralelismos entre la Guerra de Independencia española y la Reconquista dominicana. Para ello se han analizado los testimonios de los personajes implicados, con el fin de indagar el ideario que inspiró su acción militar. Además probaremos que, contra las ideas defendidas por algunos historiadores, tras la paz de Basilea los dominicanos siguieron sintiéndose ligados a España, como demostraron en la Guerra de Reconquista contra el gobierno francés. Sólo Cuba, Puerto Rico y Santo Domingo participaron de este sentimiento, mientras el resto de Hispanoamérica comenzaba a clamar por la independencia.

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In response to widespread water quality and quantity issues, the New Zealand Government has recently embarked on a number of comprehensive freshwater management reforms, developing a raft of national discussion and policy documents such as “Freshwater Reform 2013 and Beyond” and a National Policy Statement for freshwater management (NPS-FM 2014). Recent resource management reforms and amendments (RMA 2014), based on previous overarching resource management legislation (RMA 1991), set out a new approach and pathway to manage freshwater nationwide. Internationally, there is an increasing trend to engage with indigenous communities for research and collaboration, including indigenous groups as active participants in resource management decision making. What is driving this change toward more engagement and collaboration with indigenous communities is different for each country, and we document the progress and innovation made in this area in New Zealand. The indigenous rights of Māori in New Zealand are stated in the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi and in many forms of New Zealand's legislation. Local and central governments are eager to include local indigenous Māori groups (iwi/hapū) in freshwater management planning processes through meaningful engagement and collaboration. Key to the success of collaborative planning processes for Māori are enduring relationships between local government and Māori, along with adequate resourcing for all partners contributing to the collaborative process. A large number of shared governance and management models for natural resource management have emerged in New Zealand over the past 20 years, and some recent examples are reviewed. We provide some discussion to improve understanding and use of the terms used in these management models such as cogovernance, comanagement, and coplanning, and describe some of the more important frameworks and tools being developed with Māori groups (e.g., iwi/hapū), to strengthen Māori capacity in freshwater management and to support good collaborative process and planning.

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Cette thèse considère les suites de la paix d’Apamée sur le plan des relations politiques entre les États d’Anatolie et sur l’évolution de la place tenue par cette péninsule dans l’ordre géopolitique méditerranéen. Le traité d’Apamée, conclu en 188 avant notre ère entre la puissance romaine et le royaume séleucide, fut un acte diplomatique majeur pour l’Asie Mineure et l’ensemble de la région anatolienne, libérés de la domination des Séleucides. Jusqu’ici, l’historiographie traditionnelle a abordé ce sujet selon deux perspectives, à savoir l’apparition de l’impérialisme romain en Orient et la vie politique et administrative des cités égéennes. À l’inverse, cette étude se concentre sur les principales puissances politiques de la région anatolienne : les royaumes. Dans le cadre de cet espace fragmenté et diversifié, des modifications de l’équilibre géopolitique régional peuvent être mises en relation avec le bouleversement de l’ordre méditerranéen, par le croisement de sources grecques, latines et orientales, ainsi qu’en faisant usage de procédés développés par le courant de la World History. L’évolution ultérieure de la situation mise en place à Apamée est étudiée jusqu’au point de disparition d’une Anatolie dirigée par des souverains non incorporés dans l’horizon impérial des grandes puissances étrangères, situation à laquelle les ultimes défaites de Mithridate VI du Pont et de Tigrane d’Arménie face à Rome mirent un terme définitif.

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Este estilo de desarrollo del país no ha generado encadenamientos productivos y recurre constantemente, a políticas implementadas en la promoción de las exportaciones, liberalización y apertura comercial, drásticos ajustes en las funciones del Estado y la atracción de inversión extranjera (tanto directa como financiera). Objetivos que se materializan en la negociación de tratados de libre comercio al estilo del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. En él se sientan las bases institucionales para la flexibilización del accionar del capital global, la profundización del proceso de apropiación de los factores de producción (básicamente, los recursos y servicios naturales, y la fuerza de trabajo) e incorporar nuevos negocios en sectores que, precisamente, suponen las mejores posibilidades de incrementar la acumulación de capital, siendo éstos, hoy, los recursos energéticos y hídricos. Abstract This style of development of the country has not generated productive linkages and it constantly appeals, to politicians implemented in the promotion of the exports, liberalization and opening commercial, drastic adjustments in the functions of the State and the attraction of foreign investment (so much direct as financial). Objectives that are materialized in the negotiation of treaties of free trade to the style of the Treaty of Free Trade between Central America and United States. In him they feel the institutional bases for the flexibility of working of the global capital, the to make deeper of the process of appropriation of the production factors (basically, the resources and natural services, and the work force) and to incorporate new business in sectors that, in fact, they suppose the best possibilities to increase the capital accumulation, being these, today, the energy and hydric resources.

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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

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The Treaty of Lisbon has altered the institutional mechanism of the European Union. The introduction of formal hierarchy of legal acts has important implications for the balance of power among the EU institutions. This paper argues that the Commission is likely to enjoy some discretion in delegated lawmaking while remaining in the shadow of the legislators’ activism. The Commission has also successfully positioned itself to diminish the influence of comitology committees on the adoption of implementing acts, though a new layer of complexity was added. The possible outcomes of this new institutional battle are analysed in the context of the new challenges to the Community method. Some important inferences of this institutional shift for the debate on the democratic deficit in the EU are also drawn up.

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Desde a publicação do livro Silent Spring, 1962, de Rachel Carson, do livro The Limits to Growth, 1972, do Clube de Roma e do impacto provocado pelo Relatório Brundtland, Our Common Future, 1987, pela World Commission on Environment and Development, que os organismos internacionais se envolvem em parcerias e assinam declarações de compromisso com a Educação Ambiental para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável – EADS. O objetivo do presente artigo é realizar uma narrativa sobre os eventos dedicados à EADS, com início na Conferência de Estocolmo até à Conferência do Rio+20. O estudo teve como base metodológica uma revisão crítica da literatura. Concluiu-se que a sociedade tomou maior consciência sobre os problemas ambientais a partir de 1970. Despontaram as primeiras respostas político-administrativas na Conferência de Estocolmo e, mais tarde, publicou-se a Informação Brundtland pela equipa interdisciplinar de experts em meio ambiente. Daqui resultaram o Tratado de Bem-estar (garantia dos direitos mínimos aos cidadãos pelo Estado) e o conceito de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Surgiu assim a solidariedade social para com o futuro da humanidade, que implicou o princípio de “não hipotecar os recursos das gerações futuras”. Na Conferência do Rio a EADS foi plenamente aceite e divulgada pelo mundo. Todavia, com a entrada do novo milénio, a atenção dada à EADS regrediu significativamente.