Rômulo Almeida e o Brasil desenvolvimentista (1946-1964): ensaio de reinterpretação

Este artigo empreende um esforço de reintrepretação sobre o desenvolvimentismo no Brasil. Procura repensá-lo a partir da tríade estruturante que lhe confere sentido: um consenso ideológico sobre as potencialidades nacionais, um estilo de reflexão sobre o país e uma aposta no planejamento democrático e descentralizado. A política econômica é encarada mais como ferramenta do que um fim em si mesmo. Para tanto, acompanhou-se a trajetória Rômulo Almeida, de modo a traçar o pano de fundo do Brasil desenvolvimentista entre 1946 e 1964. Um esforço de coleta de material inédito produzido pelo economista baiano ao longo dos anos 1970 permitiu mostrar como ele revê sua rica trajetória de servidor público e oferece uma crítica à política econômica da ditadura militar, partindo de um pensamento sistêmico e de uma dialética planejadora. Ao final, são tecidas algumas considerações acerca das possibilidades de emergência de uma nova perspectiva desenvolvimentista para o país no contexto atual.

Pratiche del possibile: i Participatory Guarantee Systems e le scelte d'acquisto del consumatore brasiliano

Negli ultimi anni, parallelamente all’espansione del settore biologico, si è assistito a un crescente interesse per i modelli alternativi di garanzia dell’integrità e della genuinità dei prodotti biologici. Gruppi di piccoli agricoltori di tutto il mondo hanno iniziato a sviluppare approcci alternativi per affrontare i problemi connessi alla certificazione di terza parte. Queste pratiche sono note come Sistemi di Garanzia Partecipativa (PGS). Tali modelli: (i) si basano sugli standard di certificazione biologica dell’IFOAM, (ii) riguardano il complesso dei produttori di una comunità rurale, (iii) comportano l’inclusione di una grande varietà di attori e (iv) hanno lo scopo di ridurre al minimo burocrazia e costi semplificando le procedure di verifica e incorporando un elemento di educazione ambientale e sociale sia per i produttori sia per i consumatori. Gli obiettivi di questo lavoro di ricerca: • descrivere il funzionamento dei sistemi di garanzia partecipativa; • indicare i vantaggi della loro adozione nei Paesi in via di sviluppo e non; • illustrare il caso della Rede Ecovida de Agroecologia (Brasile); • offrire uno spunto di riflessione che riguarda il consumatore e la relativa fiducia nel modello PGS. L’impianto teorico fa riferimento alla Teoria delle Convenzioni. Sulla base del quadro teorico è stato costruito un questionario per i consumatori con lo scopo di testare l’appropriatezza delle ipotesi teoriche. I risultati finali riguardano la stima del livello di conoscenza attuale, la fiducia e la volontà d’acquisto dei prodotti PGS da parte dei consumatori nelle aree considerate. Sulla base di questa ricerca sarà possibile adattare ed esportare il modello empirico in altri paesi che presentano economie diverse per cercare di comprendere il potenziale campo di applicazione dei sistemi di garanzia partecipativa.

Die Bürokratisierung von Kultur: Ein staatliches Kulturzentrum in Nordghana /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 98

Die vorliegende Magisterarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Produktivitaet bürokratischer Routinen am Centre for National Culture in Wa, Nordwestghana. Staat, Nation und nationale Kultur sind keine fest umgrenzten Entitäten, sondern entstehen in einem andauernden Prozess der Aushandlung und Bedeutungszuschreibung und in der permanenten Reproduzierung ihrer Grenzen und Kategorien. Bürokratische Routinen und administrativen Prozesse werden als jene Praktiken betrachtet, die Kultur nationalisieren. Die Arbeit geht der Frage nach, wie sich die stete Reproduktion der räumlichen Verortung des Staats durch bürokratische Routinen auf die Grenzen von Kultur und die Kategorien, in denen Kultur gedacht wird, auswirkt. Das wichtigste Schlagwort ghanaischer Kulturpolitik ist „unity in diversity“. Einer Vielzahl „lokaler Kulturen“ soll ihr rechtmäßiger Platz im nationalen Potpourri eingeräumt werden, aber die gewünschte Vielfalt darf keine politische Sprengkraft entwickeln. Die zentrale Aufgabe staatlicher Kulturinstitutionen in Ghana ist daher, die „rohe Kultur“ (die im Dorf verortet wird), zu choreographieren. Die Verwaltungspraxis der Kulturbeamten unterstellt die Einheit lokaler Kulturgrenzen (wo auch immer man die ziehen würde) mit den politisch-administrativen Grenzen, nach denen die Kulturinstitutionen organisiert sind, und trägt auf diese Weise zur Naturalisierung staatlicher Kulturgrenzen bei.

"Talking about Marriage ..." : Polizeiarbeit in Upper West, Ghana /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 102

Polizei in Afrika ist korrupt und schlecht ausgebildet und eine „Marionette“ der Regierungen − so das nicht nur im populären, sondern auch sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurs vermittelte Bild. Eine ethnographische Perspektive, die Polizeiarbeit im Alltag beobachtet und auf die Interaktionsstrategien der Polizisten mit Klienten und ihre Deutungen und Selbstbilder fokussiert, erlaubt neue Einsichten in das alltägliche Funktionieren der Organisation. Die vorliegende Arbeit basiert auf einem dreimonatigen Aufenthalt in der domestic violence unit der Police Headquarters in der Upper West Region Ghanas. Sie zeigt unter anderem, wie die Akteure die Ausbildung zum Polizisten, Gehaltsfragen, Versetzungen, Geschlechterverhältnis und Beförderungen konzeptionalisieren und wo sie sich in ihrer Arbeitswelt positionieren. Die besondere Aufmerksamkeit der Arbeit gilt der Interaktion der Polizisten mit Akteuren außerhalb ihrer Organisation, den „Klienten“. Eine zentrale Erkenntnis ist, dass die Klienten erst mit Hilfe typischer bürokratischer Praktiken und Redensarten als solche von den Polizisten konstruiert werden. Dabei sind die Klienten aber weder passiv polizeilicher Willkür ausgeliefert noch können einflussreiche Klienten die Polizei nach ihrem Gusto manipulieren. In zwei Fallstudien von Verhandlungssituationen wird deutlich, wie Polizisten Autorität in der Interaktion mit Klienten herstellen und legitimieren und welche Maßnahmen Klienten ihrerseits ergreifen, um die Situation zu ihren Gunsten zu gestalten.

Grauzonen : Funktionsweisen der Beniner Polizei und ihr Verhältnis zur Bevölkerung /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 133

Gewalttätig, korrupt und faul oder eher gesetzestreu, hilfsbereit und freundlich? Diese Abhandlung befasst sich mit der Arbeitsweise der Beniner Polizei und den Bildern, die sie von sich erzeugt und den Eindrücken, die sie bei den Bürgern hinterlässt. Die Arbeit liefert Erkenntnisse über den Aufbau und die Arbeitsweise der Beniner Polizei. Sie verweist auch auf das Konkurrenzverhältnis der Polizei zu anderen Sicherheitskräften, wie etwa der Gendarmerie und sie zeigt, dass sich die Polizeirnin diversen Grauzonen – der Legalität, der Staatlichkeit und der Formalität – bewegt. Informelle Strategien, schleichende Privatisierung und Korruption sichern in einem gewissen Rahmen das Funktionieren der Institution. Diese Schwächen der Institution haben jedoch negative Auswirkungen auf das Bild der Polizei und ihr Verhältnis zu den Bürgern. Nicht das propagierte Ideal einer Polizei, sondern die realen Interaktionen mit ihr dominieren die Wahrnehmung der Bürger von der Organisation.

Nation building in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Cooperation, coordination and collaboration

Cross-sectoral interorganizational relationships in post-conflict situations occur regularly. Whether formal task forces, advisory groups or other ad hoc arrangements, these relations take place in chaotic and dangerous situations with urgent and turbulent political, economic and social environments. Furthermore, they typically involve a large number of players from many different nations, operating across sectors, and between multiple layers of bureaucracy and diplomacy. The organizational complexity staggers many participants and observers, as do the tasks they are charged with completing. Reform efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina starting in 1995 may serve as the archetype model of conflict, transition and development for the 21st century. It wins this honor due not to its particular programmatic successes and failures, rather to the interorganizational complexity of the International Community. From the massive response to the crisis, to the modern nation-building policies it spawned, and the development assistance practices and institutional arrangements it created, the Bosnian development experience has much to offer by way of lessons learned. This manuscript frames the unique Bosnian development situation, and provides lessons learned from the experience of nation building given local realities. Pettigrew (1992) called this "contextualizing." While network and/or organizational structure, strategy and process explain many interorganizational relationship issues, the development variables identified in this manuscript prove equally important, yet elusive and difficult to measure despite their very real and overt presence.

Government Influence and the Failure of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac

In 2008 two government-sponsored enterprises, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, were placed into conservatorship due to insolvency. The financial bailout of the two publically traded corporations came at the expense of the American tax payer. This study investigates the relationship between direct and indirect government influence and the increasing risk taking of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac from the late 1990’s through their conservatorship in 2008. As government-sponsored enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have many special advantages that other publically traded companies did not possess. These advantages allowed Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to increase their profitability. Theoretical literature regarding Congress and the bureaucracy suggests that the actions of bureaucrats can be linked to the preferences of Congressional members because bureaucrats are responsive to potential threats or perceived threats from the legislature. This theory is applicable to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and is used to explain why the government was able to directly and indirectly influence the government-sponsored enterprises. Overall this investigation has determined that the United States government pursued a clear mission that determined to increase the availability of housing to all Americans, specifically to low-income and under-served individuals, through the use of the government-sponsored enterprises. Despite this link there is no conclusive data to show that the pursuit of this housing mission led Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to operate in riskier business segments. This study has also found that motivation regarding profit-seeking and compensation structure provide a more plausible explanation for why the government-sponsored enterprises began to engage in riskier business practices that led to their insolvency.

A Comparative Study of Central and Eastern European Social Policy Concernig Mental Disability

The main goal of this project was to identity whether an imported system of social policy can be suitable for a host country, and if not why not. Romanian social policy concerning the mentally disabled represents a paradoxical situation in that while social policy is designed to ensure both an institutional structure and a juridical environment, in practice it is far from successful. The central question which Ms. Ciumageanu asked therefore was whether this failure was due to systemic factors, or whether the problem lay in reworking an imported social policy system to meet local needs. She took a comparative approach, also considering both the Scandinavian model of social policy, particularly the Danish model which has been adopted in Romania, and the Hungarian system, which has inherited a similar universal welfare system and perpetuated it to some extent. In order to verify her hypothesis, she also studied the transformation of the welfare system in Great Britain, which meant a shift from state responsibility towards community care. In all these she concentrated on two major aspects: the structural design within the different countries and, at a micro level, the societal response. Following her analyses of the various in the other countries concerned, Ms. Ciumageanu concluded that the major differences lie first in the difference between the stages of policy design. Here Denmark is the most advanced and Romania the most backwards. Denmark has a fairly elaborate infrastructure, Britain a system with may gaps to bridge, and Hungary and Romania are struggling with severe difficulties owing both to the inherited structure and the limits imposed by an inadequate GDP. While in Denmark and Britain, mental patients are integrated into an elaborate system of care, designed and administered by the state (in Denmark) or communities (in Britain), in Hungary and Romania, the state designs and fails to implement the policy and community support is minimal, partly due to the lack of a fully developed civil society. At the micro level the differences are similar. While in Denmark and Britain there is a consensus about the roles of the state and of civil societies (although at different levels in the two countries, with the state being more supportive in Denmark), in Romania and to a considerable extent in Hungary, civil society tends to expect too much from the state, which in its turn is withdrawing faster from its social roles than from its economic ones, generating a gap between the welfare state and the market economy and disadvantaging the expected transition from a welfare state to a welfare society and, implicitly, the societal response towards those mentally disabled persons in it. On an intermediate level, the factors influencing social policy as a whole were much the same for Hungary and Romania. Economic factors include the accumulated economic resources of both state and citizens, and the inherited pattern of redistribution, as well as the infrastructure; institutional resources include the role of the state and the efficiency of the state bureaucracy, the strength and efficiency of the state apparatus, political stability and the complexity of political democratisation, the introduction of market institutions, the strength of civil society and civic sector institutions. From the standpoint of the societal response, some factors were common to all countries, particularly the historical context, the collective and institutional memories and established patterns of behaviour. In the specific case of Romania, general structural and environmental factors - industrialisation and forced urbanisation - have had a definite influence on family structure, values and behavioural patterns. The analysis of Romanian social policy revealed several causes for failure to date. The first was the instability of the policy and the failure to consider the structural network involved in developing it, rather than just the results obtained. The second was the failure to take into account the relationship between the individual and the group in all its aspects, followed by the lack of active assistance for prevention, re-socialisation or professional integration of persons with mental disabilities. Finally, the state fails to recognise its inability to support an expensive psychiatric enterprise and does not provide any incentive to the private sector. This creates tremendous social costs for both the state and the individual. NGOs working in the field in Romania have been somewhat more successful but are still limited by their lack of funding and personnel and the idea of a combined system is as yet utopian in the circumstances in the country.

Legality and Human Rights: Administrative Justice in Russia 1862-1917

The question of how far pre-revolutionary Russia was from the ideal of a lawful state has received little academic attention, particularly as relates to the legal regulation of relations between person, society and state within the state administration. Pravilova explored the methods of settling disputes between individuals and the administration, and the emergence of legal controls of the administration, analysed projects for the organisation of administrative justice and studied the particular nature of concepts from Russian administrative justice. The idea of an organisation of special bodies examining complaints by private persons against the actions of officials and state bureaucratic organs first appeared in the early 1860s. In the 1870s-1890s various projects for the reform of administrative justice (reorganisation of the Senate and local administrative institutions) were proposed by the Ministries of Justice and Finance, but none of these was put into practice, largely due to resistance from the bureaucracy. At the same time, however, the rapid development of private enterprise, the activities of the zemstvo and self-government produced new norms and mechanisms for the regulation of authorities and social relations. Despite the lack of institutional conditions, the Senate did consider complaints from private persons against illegal actions by administrative officials, playing a role similar to that of the supreme administrative courts in France and Germany. The spread of concepts of a 'lawful state' aroused support for a system of administrative justice and the establishment of administrative tribunals was seen as a condition of legality and a guarantee of human rights. The government was forced to understand that measures to maintain legality were vital to preserve the stability of the system of state power, but plans for liberal reforms were pushed into the background by constitutional reforms. The idea of guarantees of human rights in relations with the authorities was in contradiction with the idea of the monarchy and it was only when the Provisional Government took power in 1917 that the liberal programme of legal reforms had any chance of being put into practice. A law passed in June 1917 ordained the organisation of local administrative justice bodies, but its implementation was hampered by the war, the shortage of qualified judges and the existing absolute legal illiteracy, and the few administrative courts that were set up were soon abolished by the new Soviet authorities. Pravilova concluded that the establishment of a lawful state in pre-revolutionary Russia was prevented by a number of factors, particularly the autocratic nature of the supreme authority, which was incompatible with the idea of administrative justice as a guarantee of the rights of citizens in their relations with the state.

Quality Management and Formalization in Social Service Organizations - A Survey on Home-Based Family Intervention Services

Although the effects of quality management on social work are still widely unexplored, critics suspect that it will lead to a negative standardization of working conditions, whereas supporters of quality management hope for a greater transparency and effectiveness of service delivery. This article reports on a survey of 30 managers, 261 professionals, and 435 families in 30 family intervention service organizations. It uses cluster analysis to explore the relationship between quality management and different forms of work formalization. Results showed that working conditions generally are enabling for professional practice, but differences exist between what is called here a managerialist machine bureaucracy, an atomistic professional organization, and a collegiate professional organization.

Marginalization of the Youth – a Current Societal Development?

The last two years a discussion on reforming the public sector has emerged. At its very heart we find important concepts like ‘quality reform’, ‘democracy’, and ‘development’. Recently I have presented an example of the ‘quality reform’ in SocMag, and this leads me to prolong that discussion on central themes on welfare state and democracy. Much energy is invested in arguing about management of the public sector: Do we need more competition from private companies? Do we need more control? Are more contracts concerning outcome needed? Can we be sure about the accountability needed from politicians? How much documentation, effectiveness measurement, bureaucracy, and evidence-based policy and practice are we looking for? A number of interesting questions – but strange enough we do not discuss the purpose of ‘keeping a welfare state’. What sort of understanding is lying behind the welfare state, and what kind of democracy are we drawing upon?

Italia: La chiusura della Casa dell’Emigrante come spunto riflessione sui rientri degli emigrati italiani

In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.

Tel Aviv - Mumbai - Tel Aviv: Same-Sex couples seeking parenthood in India

In Israel religious belonging remains a central category of citizenship. Laws concerning reproductive technologies such as the surrogacy law from 1996 are strongly informed by Orthodox rabbis’ kinship concepts (Kahn 2000, Shalev 1998, Weisberg 2005). A set of regulations secures that heterosexual Jewish couples bring into being children who are unequivocally Jewish themselves. The Israeli surrogacy law can therefore be understood as part of a policy seeking to reproduce the boundaries of the Jewish-Israeli collective. Same-sex couples do not fit this narrow definition of family and have no access to surrogacy in Israel. Yet gay couples maintain that parenthood is a universal civil right and bypass their exclusion through surrogacy arrangements abroad. The proposed paper follows these couples to Mumbai, which has become a popular destination for surrogacy in recent years. After their children’s birth the couples spend three to five weeks in India. In this time they not only take on their new tasks as fathers. They are also occupied with the bureaucracy of disconnecting the children from India and turning them into Israeli citizens. The paper elaborates on the bureaucratic processes and the hurdles same-sex couples encounter when seeking recognition of their parenthood and citizenship for their children. It unveils the intricacies and ramifications of Israel’s contradicting surrogacy policy of enforcing narrow definitions of family inside the country and simultaneously outsourcing problematic cases.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 652 - Vorlesungen: "National Socialism", "Autoritarian doctrines and modern European institutions", "Eclipse of Reason" (p. IX 35a.1-2-IX 36.1-5b)

"National Socialism": 1. Ankündigung einer Vorlesungsreihe November/Dezember 1941 von: Herbert Marcuse, A.R.L. Gurland, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Frederick Pollock. a) als Typoskript verfielfältigt, 1 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 2. Antwortbrief auf Einladungen zur Vorlesungsreihe, von Neilson, William A.; Packelis, Alexander H.; Michael, Jerome; McClung Lee, Alfred; Youtz, R.P.; Ginsburg, Isidor; Ganey, G.; Nunhauer, Arthur. 8 Blätter; "Autoritarian doctrines and modern European institutions" (1924): 1. Vorlesungs-Ankündigung Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Ankündigungen der Vorlesungen von Neumann, Franz L.: "Stratification and Dominance in Germany"; "Bureaucracy as a Social and Political Institution", Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 3. Evans, Austin P.: 1 Brief (Abschrift) an Frederick Pollock, New York, 26.2.1924; "Eclipse of Reason", Fünf Vorlesungen 1943/44:; 1. I. Lecture. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 38 Blatt b) Typoskript, 29 Blatt c) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 31 Blatt d) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt e) Entwürfe, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 6 Blatt; 2. II. Lecture. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 27 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 37 Blatt; 3. III. Lecture. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 27 Blatt; 4. IV. Lecture. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 23 Blatt; 5. V. Lecture. a) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 25 Blatt, b) Teilstücke, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 3 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 697 - Cultural Aspects of National Socialism. A Research Project (p. IX 170.6 - 170.10)

"Bureaucracy" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 51 Blatt; Handschriftliche Notizen, 4 Blatt; "Mass Culture" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 40 Blatt ; zwei Manuskripte, eins von Max Horkheimer, 3 Blatt; "Anti-Christianity" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 51 Blatt; Eigenhändige Notizen von Max Horkheimer, 1 Blatt; "The War and Post-War Generation" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, darunter ein Typoskript auf deutsch, mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Max Horkheimer, circa 67 Blatt; "Ideological Permeation of Labor and New Middle Classes" [enthält unter anderem den Titel "The German Masses and the Philosophy of National Socialism"] verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 36 Blatt; Notizem, 2 Blatt;