548 resultados para Politic subversion
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Considering that the Jesuitical tradition which Father Samuel Fritz belonged, has a clear political and institutional dimension that reveals itself in the missionary initiative placed since the Trento Council, his journal is a experience story as missionary at Maynás region during the period from 1686 until 1725. In his narrative, a series of data related to the conquer of Amazonia, conflicts among the Iberic Kingdoms and french, dutches and british, transformation of culture and space close the period of the Madrid Deal. I´ll explore the men and space relationship, in this case, the missionary in his special practice, therefore an effective and geometrical politic for border control was only applied at 1750 with reformist governments and that Amazônia was, until now, an object of autonomous initiatives, not being until now a priority focused state politics action like the ones in the central regions (silver mines) and that the missionary action of Samuel Fritz represented ant that moment represented the most important border advance to the Spanish Kingdom, coinciding with the end of the borders previously set in Madrid and Santo Idelfonso, I´ll put the question of how and with which politics the experience of Fritz in Maynás could represent an advance about Amazônia space. Then I´ll approach the problem about three aspects that are chapters: The first one was focused to the Iberic Kingdoms atlantic politics and the internal geopolitical relationships they created as the centre and the border emerging a new order; in the second chapter I studied the special transformation cause by the encounter and conflicts between the Indian and European order generating a new organization; in the third chapter I´ll examined the political border of the state and the emergency of the missionary body as an institution, with the tradition and missionary action as support, or not, to the exploration of the east border of Spanish America influencing the delimitation process of the border between Portugal and Spain
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The study does a analysis about the social participation of teenagers in the healthy sexual and reproductive Programs in Natal/RN city, in the perspective of Protagonism Juvenile, that presuppose the teenager condition like main actor and subject of the right and obligations. In front of this, the aim this search is to discuss and analyse the juvenile protagonism and theirpolitic , pedagogics and soscial means, to go off on to the participation of teenagers like social subject in the healthy sexual and reproductive Programs in Natal/Rn city. The way to the teoric reflexion this study privileged the approach historic-member, being assisted by quality methodology, to making useful an interview semistructured with teenagers, families and co-ordinators of the Programs. The social participation of the teenagers, in these programs, reaffirm itself like a proposal politic-pedagogical that contribute to the development of competences of the teenagers and improvement of habilities in the treatment of the questions about heathy sexual and reprodutive,valorizing the condition of the social subjects, in the perspective of the protagonism juvenile. The relevance this study to be detached by the contribution in the building and implementation of the programs politic-pedagogical, that affirm to the teenagers the condition of the right and obligations
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This thesis seeks to uphold the idea that the therapeutic residential service, as hybrid device and recent process of deinstitutionalization in mental health, works as a problem producer while it also indicates challenges and potentialities in this process, the attention on mental health and on its own care production. To that end, we work with the prospect map with which we approach reality as the subjectivities production field which transformations and intensities are the major thought propellants. From this perspective, it was possible to produce three "purpose maps" from meetings with actors and groups involved with the TRS and the theoretical study carried out. On the first map we mapped the conditions of possibility of this device and its design in the midst of the process of institutionalization and health policies. We indicate on it the TRS configuration as a hybrid and we hassled its proposition as a means of "social rehabilitation" that can work as a social homogeneity mechanism. On a second map, we cartographied mental captures through images and ways historically built from madness presented in the biopolitical contemporary game and we indicated that the resistance to such catches should be built on a politic daily basis as important vectors of the institutionalization process in mental health. Finally, on a third map we mapped the carefulness produced in the TRS, by analyzing the transition psychiatric hospital - TRS and the caregivers´ team work. On this mapping, the care, for the weakness in the coresponsibility field, is reveled crossed by mental, disciplinary and normality elements, but it is also built in resistance born from links in the intersubjective field of the caring work. We conclude, then, that the TRS power and the deinstitutionalization process itself were in building and strengthening affective labor micro political networks of life and liberty producers
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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive
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The present paper analyses the social assistance management in small cities, starting from the reality of Currais Novos City. Its main objective is to analyse the management of this politic in the context of the Nacional Sistem of Social Assistance (SUAS) through the management instruments materialized in the city: Social Assistance Plan, Budget, Management Report, Information Management, Monitorizing and Evaluation. It reveals a discrepancy between the instruments purpose and their concretude, and it identifies the main challenges in order to make them real, revealing the contradictions of such politic, through which the advances relate with the retrocesses. It remarks, in this context, the debate about Public Management and some aspects of the trajetory of the Social Assistance management in the brazilian context and the configurations of (SUAS) and of the politics in Currais Novos city. Such path allows us to identify the feebleness in the city ways to adopt the (SUAS) criteria, which is much more effective in burocratic aspects than in the change of the Social Assistance conception and in the effective incorporation of the (SUAS) principles and guidelines. Thus, problems are identified in what concerns to the important aspects for its effectivation, with the human resources, financing and social control mechanisms. It makes possible to reafirm the importance of the analysed management instruments for the effectivation of one participative and democratic management, as well as the urgency of its materialization as one of the important ellements for this politic to happen as a right and to make a stop to the unconformities between the (SUAS) determinations and its materialization
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This research analyses politic Project for nursing education, in its articulation with economical, political and social context of 1970s and 1980s in national level and, in special, nurse formation process in FAEN/UERN space, situating it on the context of Brazilian sanitary reformation movement and participation movement. The thesis is firmed on the sense of explaining whether that movement circa the nurse formation process has been able to build necessary instruments for the transformation of biomedical formation model historically consolidated, in the perspective of conceiving another model anchored on social determination of health/illness process, with the purpose of assuring ethical and political commitment with the SUS praised by sanitary reformation. The study visualized the object considering its specificity, its concrete historical determinations and institutional as well as organizational relationships that permeate possibilities of valorizing it, analyzing it, interpreting it and rebuilding it. Its operationalization occurred in three movements, it means, bibliographical review; documents study; interviews and focal groups realized with professors of the institution. We can apprehend as main results that the nurse formation process has incorporated widely spread conceptions by the sanitary reformation movement and participation movement, assuming the commitment with transformation of health services and social reality. Nevertheless it prevails, still, amongst some professors in the same institutional space, the commitment to a predominantly technicist formation, focused on instrumental knowledge. Opinion divergence explicit diversity of conceptions circa education and, as consequence, distinct political commitments, also contradictory to formation. Thus, there is a lacuna between what is foreseen on political pedagogical project and what is rendered in FAEN/UERN, evidencing the clash related to conceptual bases of formation project. Interpretations, divergent political attitudes and resistances to the process allowed several formation ways. However, formation under new conceptual bases, find limits on the context of social politics implemented in Brazil during the 1990s, neoliberal-based, expressed on expansion and consolidation of health private system, managed by market rules, strengthening biomedical formation model. Notwithstanding, there is a favorable to its implementation, starting from the first years of 21st century, moment when Brazilian sanitary reformation reappear on health speech, as well as facing the policy of permanent education in health. This reality explicit a process of dialectical tension between instituted and institutor, anticipating the moment of scission or adaptation and return to what is already known. Despite of clashed, knowledge, accumulated experience, contribution to services, the construction of partnerships out of university space and articulation with national movement of (re)orientation of nurse formation, have been constituted as vital instruments to offer support to formation in FAEN/UERN. Still, we consider necessary the (re)visitation to FAEN/UERN politic pedagogical Project considering the existing and implemented construction, without, yet, depreciate the norther axis of the project at the reaching of its intentionality
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Au cours de cette recherche, nous traitons la reinterprétation de cette campagne de Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler , tout en utilisant un moyen défini a travers les parlers de femmes qui avaient travaillé dans le projet d alphabétisation développé par la Mairie de la Ville de Natal au début des années 1960. Le parler de cinq femmes/ éducatrices, participantes actives de ce projet, se constitue en tant qu unité principale de référence de ce travail. À partir de leurs témoignages nous avons cherché à contextualiser et enrichir un peu plus la période concernante à l avènement de la Campagne. Il s agit de témoignages qui ont des rapports avec l éducation, la culture et la conscientisation politique, véhicule à la compréhension du contexte historique dans lequel s insérait le groupe engagé dans la Campagne de Pé no chão também se aprende a ler .Nous avons développé notre travail à travers la méthodologie compréhensible du discours (Kaufmann, 1996), tout en mélangeant le matériel recherché et la théorie. Les considérations finales font état de nos impressions à propos de ce projet à partir des témoignages de ces cinq femmes/éducatrices. Le gouvernement de Djalma Maranhão se caracterize pu democratie et populaire et ce travail éducatif considérer subversives a décennie 1960
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O autor expõe etapas que julga necessárias para o exame de modernas teorias a respeito das transformações econômicas, sociais e culturais da história brasileira. Por outro lado, esse movimento visaria investigar os fundamentos epistemológicos de tais explicações do Brasil. O texto corresponde, insiste-se, a um plano de trabalho.
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O objetivo deste artigo é compreender o papel intelectual desempenhado por Paulo Emilio Salles Gomes na sociedade brasileira. Partindo da análise da sua crítica de cinema no jornal O Estado de São Paulo, nos anos 1950, busco caracterizar o processo de construção do empenho político e cultural voltado para a construção de uma sociedade democrática no Brasil, que se desdobrava nas análises sobre o cinema, e a realidade brasileira nas décadas de 1960 e 1970.
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Na realidade brasileira a proposta da construção de um sistema educacional inclusivo encontra-se amparada legalmente e em princípios teóricos fundamentados em ideais democráticos de igualdade, eqüidade e diversidade. No entanto, muitas vezes, as práticas inclusivas se distanciam sobremaneira das proposições teóricas e legais. Assim, neste artigo, temos como objetivo discutir aspectos relacionados ao delineamento de políticas públicas de inclusão educacional, considerando as ações político-administrativas e as de caráter pedagógico. Colocamos em debate as dificuldades de apreensão do caráter inter-setorial do processo, do conceito de educação inclusiva, como também as dificuldades de materialização de práticas não excludentes, da transformação do contexto educacional, tanto no que se refere às concepções quanto às ações na busca de implantação e implementação de um sistema inclusivo.
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Examines the historiography of the geographical ideas in Brazil starting from the analysis of Monbeig's work which has two essential elements: the positivist-functionalist discourse, and the ideals of the politic liberalism that are his main preoccupation. The preoccupation of geography as a science is constant in all his discourse. -English summary
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Introduction: HLA-G and HLA-E are two nonclassical class I molecules, which have been well recognized as modulators of innate and adaptive immune responses, and the expression of these molecules in virus infected cells has been associated with subversion of the immune response. Objective: In this study we performed a cross-sectional study, systematically comparing the expression of HLA-G and HLA-E in benign, premalignant and malignant laryngeal lesions, correlating with demographic and clinical variables and with the presence of high-risk and low-risk HPV types. Materials and methods: Laryngeal lesions were collected from 109 patients and stratified into 27 laryngeal papillomas, 17 dysplasias, 10 in situ laryngeal carcinomas, 27 laryngeal carcinomas without metastases, 28 laryngeal carcinomas with metastasis along with their respective draining cervical lymph nodes, and 10 normal larynx specimens. The expression of HLA-G and HLA-E molecules was determined by immunohistochemistry. HPV DNA detection and typing was performed using generic and specific primers. Results: HLA nonclassical molecules showed a distinct distribution pattern, according to the larynx lesion grade. HLA-G expression increased in benign and premalignant lesions, and gradually decreased in invasive carcinomas and in respective draining cervical lymph nodes. Conversely, HLA-E expression increased as far as lesion grade increased, including increased molecule expression in the draining lymph nodes of malignant lesions. Only 17 (15.6%) patients were HPV DNA positive. Conclusions: Overexpression of HLA-E and underexpression of HLAG appear to be good markers for malignant larynx lesion.
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Pós-graduação em Artes - IA
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)